the evidence of that committee, and according to that evidence it appeared, that some persons saw many evils in the present mode of appointing the sheriffs, and others thought it the best that could be adopted. For himself, though he certainly thought the mode of appointing them might be improved, yet the practical evils of the existing one was not, in his opinion, so great as was imagined. The persons who were examined before that committee were many of them members of that House-Lord Jocelyn, Sir John Newport, Sir Henry Parnell, the Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ireland, Colonel Crosbie, and others. The evidence they gave established the existence of many evils, but it was not so conclusively against the present system of appointing sheriffs as might be imagined. It was generally stated that the evil was not one of the present day. It had long subsisted. But certainly he should be ashamed of himself if he felt any reluctance to change a practice merely because the acquiescence in it on the part of the government, of which he formed a part, might be involved in some degree of censure. It should be remembered, however, when they were drawing a distinction between the magistracy of Ireland and that of England, how great the difference was between the state of society in the two countries. With respect to the nomination of sheriffs, the ancient practice was different from the modern. The judges of the assize required from the outgoing sheriff the names of three persons who were thought most fit to serve the office. These names were afterwards examined by all the judges in the chancellor's chamber, and they selected from them a certain number, according to the circumstances of the recommendation, &c., which they transmitted to the lord lieutenant, who thereupon issued his warrant for the

appointment of such as he finally determined upon. That mode of electing them was certainly preferable to the present; and he had no hesitation in giving a pledge, on the part of the government of Ireland, that that system should henceforward be recurred to.

"As to the general revision of the magistracy of Ireland, he had made every enquiry into the practicability of such a revision, but he apprehended it would be found impossible. In the first place, it was usual for the chancellor of Ireland to have a more arbitrary power in the dismissal of magistrates than was possessed in this country, where they were never dismissed but upon the sentence of a court of law, or for some gross irregularity of conduct, which rendered them totally unfit for the office. He was willing to admit that there were many persons placed in those situations who were not qualified for them, either by their property or rank in life. But then, he must again beg the House to remember the great difference in the manner in which society is constituted in Ireland. With respect, however, to the selections generally speaking, he did not recollect more than ten or twelve cases of recommendations taking place, and he believed they were all of them made from a conscientious impression of what was considered to be the best for the tranquillity and safety of the country. It might be true, that there were persons now in the commission, who were put into it in 1798, on account of their zeal and loyalty to the government; but if the general revision were to apply to them, he did think it would be most unjust to deprive them of their places, without some better ground for such a proceeding. How, in fact, was the lord-lieutenant to judge what persons were fit but from recommendations? And what a tremendous power it

would be giving to leave him to decide what precise degree of character was necessary in order to qualify a man to be a magistrate. What criterion could be adopted for retaining him in office after he had once acquired possession? Would you take the criterion of property? That would be a most fallible one. However plausible or popular the idea might be of effecting what was called a general revision of the magistracy, he was convinced it would be productive of great injustice. That, however, was his opinion, and he knew it was the opinion also of the person at the head of the department which was most concerned.

"He now came to that single point, as affecting the grievances of Ireland, in which it was supposed the govern ment was deeply implicated; and he could assure the right hon. baronet, from whatever sources he had derived his information, it was most erroneous. Those societies which he had alluded to, did not exist, generally speaking, in those counties which were disturb. ed, and he had never heard them accused as being any part of the causes which produced the present condition of Ireland. But, it was asked, why do you not prevent the celebration of particular days and events? He should like to know how the right hon. baronet himself would do it. He must be aware that it would be impossible to exercise any effectual controul. There were a thousand ways in which the law might be cluded. They might prevent any particular body of persons assembling, who were united for specific purposes, and bound together by illegal oaths: but it was impossible to counteract those celebrations of particular occasions to which the right hon. baronet had alluded. He was aware that he himself had been subject. ed to many imputations, as if he had encouraged the formation and growth

of those societies. He could only say, that for the greater part of those imputations he had the most profound contempt; but if the right hon. baronet believed, for a moment, that any such encouragement was afforded, directly or indirectly, he could only entreat him to dismiss it from his mind, for he was perfectly wrong. He held in his hand proofs to the contrary; proofs, that the government had exerted itself to repress the tumults arising from those causes, and to dimi. nish the operation of the causes themselves. It must be perfectly notorious to every one, that where opposite parties existed, where personal animosities ran high, offence might be conveyed on either side in a thousand different ways, which no legislative interference could reach. But so far as the government could exercise any influence, he would venture to say that it had never neglected the opportunity. It might be easily imagined, for instance, that much inflammation and angry feeling would be excited by playing what were called party tunes. Now, how could that be prevented by law? How could you define the particular sort of tunes which could be considered as party tunes, and therefore not to be played? But even in that respect, the government had been careful to do all that lay in its power. By a general order, issued on the 24th of June, 1814, a kind of circular letter, addressed to the brigade majors of the yeomanry, the lord lieutenant called their attention to a former circular letter of a similar description, issued in 1810, and which he desired should be considered as still in force. The object of that letter was, to prevent any assemblages of the yeomanry, and to forbid them from wearing their military clothes, or carrying their arms, except when on duty. It further stated, that there were some particular tunes which gave offence when play

ed, and it was requested they might be avoided as much as possible. That was the only kind of influence which could be beneficially exerted in such cases, and that influence, it would be found, had never been neglected by the go

vernment.

"Among the other causes which had unquestionably contributed to produce the present disturbances and outrages in Ireland, might be reckon ed the press of that country. He was far from meaning to say that the benefits which resulted from a free press, did not greatly, if not wholly, overbalance the evils of its abuse. He would even venture to assert, that what might be called the extreme licentiousness of the press, in a former period of our history, mainly assisted in securing to us invaluable privileges. But what could be said in favour of a press which never sought to enlighten the public mind-which never aimed at the dissemination of truth-which never endeavoured to correct the morals, or improve the happiness of the people? On the contrary, the most studious efforts were made to keep alive and foment discord, and the malignant influence of the worst passions of our nature. Their only object was, to make it be believed, that the very sources of justice were corrupted, that the verdicts of juries were always venal, and the conduct of magistrates always base. By those insinuations, industriously and perseveringly spread, many persons were driven into the commission of some paltry offence, when, in his opinion, they were infinitely less guilty in a moral point of view than those vile and degraded beings by whom they were instigated. The most infamous falsehoods and calumnies were uttered against magis. trates, thus pointing them out to the vengeance of those misguided men whose passions were easily worked

upon. The consequence of such general and indiscriminate abuse as defi led the public press of Ireland, involving every person whose station, rank, or conduct, rendered them at all public, was, that no one dreaded censure, and the force of public opinion, therefore, that great auxiliary to a free press, was utterly destroyed. The House could not form any idea of the licentiousness to which he alluded, by reflecting upon what was called licentiousness in this country. As a specimen, he would read to them a passage from a work which was too contemptible to notice, except as such an illustration: he meant the Irish Magazine. They would see the nature of the poison which was disseminated. Until the present year it had had a wide circulation among the lower orders in Ireland, and they would judge the sort of influence which its infamous and detestable falsehoods were calculated to have upon that class of peo. ple. As a proof of the motive for circulating it, he would state, that it was generally distributed gratis, or at least at a price so very much below what the mere cost of printing must be, that it was evident profit was not considered, but only the accomplishment of the most pernicious and villainous purposes. In an article, purporting to be upon the persecution of protestants in France, it said, if the pious Britons are so indignant, as by their cant they pretend to be, why do they not exhibit some portion of their humanity in behalf of the ceaseless massacres of the Irish Catholics? It may be asserted in the face of all Europe, that more Irish Catholics have been murdered since the month of May, 1814, than ever suffered in France during the most bloody persecutions, either before or after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.' That specimen, he apprehended, would

be sufficient to show to what kind of abuse and licentiousness the press of Ireland was perverted.

"He would now advert to one other topic which he conceived ought to be considered as a part of the causes which had tended to place Ireland in her present condition. He alluded to the actual state of the elective franchises. The manner in which they were exercised by the Catholic freeholders was most injurious. It was far from his intention to urge any thing against the wisdom or policy of the act of 1793, by which these franchises were extended to the Catholics. He did not think that either the dangers or the benefits which were predicted at that period had been realized; but at the same time he did not think that it had invested the Catholic democracy with any substantial power or advantage. The real advantage which had been derived was not by those who possessed the freehold, but those who possessed the freeholdIn registering the freehold property, he had been told the greatest abuses existed. Perjury was frequently committed. Leases were made out merely for the occasion, and persons swore to the possession of property which they never saw. If it were asked, why such persons were not proceeded against, the answer would be, that if they were committed, they would be immediately bailed out, and never found afterwards. He certainly thought, therefore, that the manner in which the elective franchise was now exercised, required some legislative regulation.

er.

"With respect to Catholic emancipation, he would not say more than that the opinions which he had formerly entertained and expressed on that subject, had been confirmed by every observation which he had since been enabled to make, and that he was

persuaded no advantage would result to Ireland from its adoption. He was persuaded that such a measure would by no means operate beneficially on the existing state of things in that country. If he were asked to declare from what measure he imagined the greatest benefit to Ireland would ac crue, he would say, without hesita tion, that any measure calculated to induce, or if that were not sufficient, to compel those individuals to reside in Ireland, who now spent the money which they derived from that country elsewhere, would be more immediate. ly felt in its advantageous operation than any other proposition which could be made by any party. He firmly believed that Ireland was precisely in that state in which the benefits of residence on the part of her gentry would be most sensibly felt. The opinion of the lower orders of the Irish, with respect to their government, was too loose and undefined. It was a machine too large for their comprehension; it was a machine too distant for effective operation, and the influence of resident landlords would do more to prevent disturbances, and to effect all the legitimate objects of a wise government, than could be accomplished in any other manner whatever. In support of this opinion he would appeal to all those who had been in those parts of Ireland in which the gentry did reside, to testify the inestimable advantages which arose from the practice.

"The right hon. baronet had somewhat misunderstood his sentiments on the subject of education in Ireland. He had never asserted that from a more general system of education any immediate advantages were to be expected. He had never asserted that education was the only way by which the people of Ireland could be rendered tranquil and industrious. He had