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CHAP. IV.

Sir John Newport's Motion on the State of Ireland.-Various Proceedings of Parliament connected with the Question of Catholic Emancipation.

WE have already seen, from the statement of the military force demanded for the service of Ireland, that, in the opinion of ministers, the unhappy dissentions among the inhabitants of that country had not yet been entirely allayed. At a subsequent period of the session, a great body of information respecting the affairs of the sister island was brought before the House, on occasion of a motion of Sir John Newport. This gentleman professed to have no object in view but that of requesting documents to be laid before the House which might enable himself and others thoroughly to understand the grounds of keeping up an army of 25,000 in time of profound peace, in Ireland, and, more generally, of attracting a due share of public attention to the affairs of that kingdom. These simple requests he prefaced with an elaborate speech, of which we shall insert the most material parts, first, because in itself it contains mucha barter disgraceful to both couninteresting information concerning the history of Ireland, compressed into a very short compass; and, secondly, because it called out, in the reply of Mr Peel, a mass of information respecting the actual state of that kingdom.

After rapidly sketching the earlier history of Ireland from the time of its first annexation to the crown of England, down to the period of those bloody measures which deformed the annals of Charles I., Cromwell, and James II., he went on to the epoch of the revolution, 1688. "With the revolution," said he, "came honour, glory, and independence to Britain; but to Ireland no such bright prospects! The victors treated those whom they subdued, and those who aided them in the conquest, with the same revolting indifference. The era which succeeded to the revolution was in Ireland marked by the sordid characters of illiberal exclusion and monopoly within and without-its interior concerns abandoned to the exercise of a vindictive provincial tyranny by its English masters, who covenanted for the surrender of its external and commercial concerns to British monopoly

tries, and involving the complete sacrifice of national and commercial rights. The protestant interest, as it was then called, became the object to which every other consideration gave way, and every measure which was alleged to contribute to it, secured by

that allegation, the unqualified support of the Irish parliament, whilst they passively acquiesced in the destruction of their woollen manufactures. Then arose that code of penal law which has been designated by the Chancellor, Lord Camden, as a monstrous monument of folly and oppression, which was sufficient to demoralize the country, and which had completely fulfilled that purpose.' In Primate Boulter's Letters, we find in every page from one of her governors, evidence of the corrupt and petty artifices by which the system was supported. In the case of Wood's halfpence, he says, the measure was much to be lamented, as it generally interested the people, had extinguished their divisions, and tended to unite the whole country.' In a letter to Lord Carteret, he says, that although to prevent a recurrence of scarcity approaching to famine, he had forwarded a bill obliging the occupant of lands to plough five acres in every hundred occupied, yet it does not encourage tillage by allowing any bounty to exporters which might clash with British interests.' The act was passed in the year 1729, but was inefficacious; for during forty years, from 1782, with the exception of one year, the import of corn was constant; it was probably counteracted by that monstrous vote of the House of Commons of 1735, which stripped the clergy of Ireland of a large proportion of their provision, and declared the tithe of agistment to be grievous, burthensome, and injurious to the protestant interest.' In this manner did these champions of protestantism assert the rights of a protestant church. From this vote, and the consequently insufficient provision of the clergy, arose the practice of uniting parishes, so as to deprive them of spiritual assist ance from their pastors, the protestant population during that period, and since the conversion of pasturage into

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tillage through so great an extent of the country, increasing in an enormous and disproportionate degree, the incomes of the parochial clergy, resident and non-resident.

"The temper with which the Irish parliament legislated, was manifested even in the least important of their proceedings. When a petition was presented complaining that a Roman Catholic coal-merchant employed por. ters of his own persuasion, it was referred by the House of Commons to the committee of grievances. Was it then surprising that a parliament thus completely severing its interests from those of the body of the people, should possess no solid strength, or that the English minister should be encouraged by that disunion to attempt a measure which, if successful, would have sealed the death-warrant of parliaments in Ireland?--I allude to the proposition of voting the supplies for twenty-one years, which failed only by a singlevote. The parliament of George II. sat thirty-three years, outliving all connexion with the constituent body, and possessing but one solitary virtue, that of economy. It paid off the debt of the country, and accumulated a surplus in the Exchequer of 200,000l. in the year 1753, both rescued from the factions who contended for its possession, and transferred to England by a king's letter. It is a most extraor dinary effect on the human mind of this provincial misrule, grounded on what was termed protestant ascendancy, that Dean Swift, calling himself, and looked up to as an Irish patriot, expressed himself delighted with the prospect of beggary being the certain lot of the Irish Roman Catholics, and more than insinuates a wish that the Protestant dissenters were in the same state. Henry Boyle, the first Earl of Shannon, too, who, as one of the lords justices, was in the government of Ire. land more than twenty-five years, in a

Sketch of Ireland, written in 1747, states a principal cause why so great and fruitful a country produced so little, and advanced so slowly towards improvement, to be the penal code, •discouraging the labour and industry of the papists, though three-fourths of the arts, industry, and labour of the country must be necessarily carried on by their hands,' and adds, until some happy temper can be fallen upon as to make our apprehensions from the papists consist with our interest to employ them, Ireland can advance but slowly in improvement.' And yet to measures of this nature Mr Boyle could not reconcile himself! So difficult is it for men of even superior minds to disengage themselves from the fetters of prejudice and bigotry! I may, by the way, add, it appears from this paper, that nearly every fourth year from the revolution had been a year of scarcity, and in that interval nearly five millions were paid for imported corn and flour to feed the inhabitants of that fertile island.

"The septennial bill, passed in 1767, secured to a certain extent the connexion between the electors and elected. With this exception, Ireland felt little change in her situation till the year 1778. In that year the reverses of the American war left Ireland with out a military force, and here commenced the era of her glory. She was told to protect herself, and she did so. She protected herself from her enemies abroad, and from her enemies at home. The gallantry, the concord, and the heroism of her sons, placed her in a situation to command respect, and she was respected. Till she respected her self, Britain did not respect her; Ire land then first took her station amongst the nations of the earth, when it ceased to be a divided nation. I discharge a debt of justice due to him who sits beside me (Mr Grattan)-to him Ire land owes much; and to whom she

has in return testified her ardent gratitude. His exertions awakened us to a sense of our rights, and hence the brightest page in our annals of glory. Having asserted her independence, little was wanting to its continuance ; but here she failed! Those who had gained a victory over others did not possess sufficient virtue to extend that conquest to themselves. The Protestant population, the leaders in this struggle, had not public spirit enough to share the fruits of victory with the great body of the people, and therefore they fell. I trust their fate will afford a salutary lesson to every country, and impress on them the convic tion, that by complete consolidation of interests alone, can they avoid a si. milar calamity. I ought to add (what indeed is most deserving the attention of the House,) during this triumph of Ireland in the absence of military force, and whilst she thus nobly exerted herself to take her rank amongst the na tions, the laws were better obeyed than during any period of her history. Every one lent his willing aid to enforce their execution. What a great lesson is to be drawn from this! Place a country in astate of concord with regard to itself, and the laws will be obeyed; no longer seek to govern by disunion, or by sacrificing one class of the com. munity, and the laws will be obeyed. Why has not this memorable lesson of the weakness of that policy which would exclude from the full benefits of a free constitution, the great body of the people, produced its fuli effect? Why has not Ireland resumed that happy situation? Why is not the spirit of her government assimilated to that of England? Here every man, however humble his condition, whatever his political tenets, feels an inte rest in the laws, and contributes to their execution, for they efficaciously protect him, and neither rank nor power can violate them with impunity.

"I cannot draw such a happy picture of the state of Ireland. This brilliant period of her history was transient; those who had been borne down by the unanimity and spirit of the people, soon commenced their efforts to weaken the principles which they could not resist, and the war against independence was renewed, which sought by disunion to degrade the people. Addresses from grand juries, bigotted and inflammatory,-whatever could revive dormant animosities, and cherish forgotten jealousies, was urged with active and too successful industry by the satellites of an old and corrupt monopoly of power. I wish to speak of these times with as much moderation and temper as possible; but I can. not trace the lamentable effects to their causes, without stating my opinions to the House unreservedly; and whether I speak of the dead or living, will anxiously abstain from crimination where public duty will allow. I come to the act of 1793, an act of paramount importance, but i will not blend the vital subject of Catholic emancipation with this discussion; it well deserves, and I doubt not will receive, the undivided attention of the House. Thus much, however, I will here say of that act, it is perfectly certain that Mr Pitt and Lord Melville would have extended its provisions much farther, could they have obtained the concurrence of the Irish government; but they worked with unwilling instruments. How otherwise account for the anomalous nature of that statute, and the capriciousness of its relaxation and exclusion? Why the road to distinction closed totally to the bar, and opened largely to the army? Can this be traced to any other cause than the powerful influence of a great legal character, who, inimical to all concession, claimed that at least the honours of his own profession should form an exception.

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"Subsequent unhappy changes dashed the cup from the lips of the people when they were about to taste it, and led to all the dreadful consequences which ensued. Over that calamitous period I would, as bound in duty, draw a veil, and proceed to the legislative union under which we are here assembled. The pledge necessarily, and indeed specifically involved in that measure was, that of effectual inquiry into, and redress of the evils affecting Ireland,-redress which it was alleged an Imperial Parliament was more competent to afford, and likely. to extend, than a local legislature. On what other principle could any but the most corrupt have acceded to such a compact, involving the surrender of national independence? I might on this head refer with safety to the noble lord in the blue ribbon. Look to the records of parliament from the union, and see how few the acts of grace or favour to Ireland! then turn to the page of history and count the sacrifices she has made in finance, in exertions, and in blood! She has fought by your side through every danger to which you have been exposed, with a gallantry and a self-devotion never surpassed by any nation. She has con. tributed, too, from her pecuniary resources, far beyond her due proportion. Sixty-seven millions have been paid into the Exchequer by taxes since the Union, at the annual rate of four millions and a half, whilst in the fifteen preceding years her taxes did not exceed one million and a half. She has, therefore, trebled her taxation, and made exertions exceeding her strength. In proof of this assertion, look to the various measures proposed by her finance ministers. Had they answered the estimates of their authors, the taxation of Ireland would now have approached ten millions, instead of five and a half. They over-rated the ability of their country. The debt, too,

has swelled in this period from 34 to nearly 150 millions. If Ireland has thus fulfilled her part of the contract, -if her money and her blood have been thus largely contributed to her utmost means, may she not claim in return, from the Imperial Parliament, a completion of the compact, that some inquiry should be instituted into her state that a country possessing six millions of inhabitants, an active and an intelligent race of men, placed in the most temperate climate of the globe, with every blessing of nature largely poured out on it, may no longer remain a source of alarm to the empire, but become a pillar of strength? Why is this? Can the tranquillity of Ireland be less an object than that of any portion of Great Britain? Will you-can you continue to rest for security in Ireland on a garrison of 25,000 men? I acquiesced in that measure, expressly as one of temporary necessity, to put down outrage and crime, but not permanent. Were such a system permanent, not 25,000 but 50, not 50, but 100,000 men would be, insufficient to keep down Ireland. They have fought in the ranks with you, and you know their gallantry, and their spirit such as would never brook this undeserved treatment. It is the duty of parlia ment to take care their blood has not been shed in vain; and that as they have shared with you in your triumphs, they shall share the fruits of conquest, internal tranquillity, and peace. They claim it from your justice; not as a favour, but as a right.

"What has been the history of the statute-book since the Union, but a catalogue of habeas corpus suspensions and insurrection acts? On one head, indeed, the Imperial Parliament has made an exception, and done ample justice to the expectations of Ireland I mean the relaxation of commercial jealousy; and with that relaxation

have grown those resources which she has largely poured forth for common defence. Lord Castlereagh must know the danger of delay, and feel that many desirable arrangements might heretofore have been more efficacious than even at present; each year's delay diminishes their efficacy, and, I will add, their safety. And here let me ask, Why are Orange associations still suffered to divide the land? Why still permitted to agitate the public mind by the insulting badges of exclusive loyalty and party triumph? When their introduction here was attempted, the noble lord, the member for Liverpool, all sides of the House proclaimed their illegality, and reprobated the attempt. Much is to be forgiven on all sides, and the veil, the salutary veil of oblivion should not be drawn aside by every rash intruder who would mark the great body of the people as disaffected to the state. Illicit distillation is a source of much evil to Ireland, demoralizing her people, and encroaching on her scanty resources of taxation. It is, as I fear, too much protected by individuals of rank and power, and largely practised by the professors of exclusive loyalty. No man, however high in station, should be allowed to protect his dependents in a course of disobedience to law, nor should alleged loyalty secure any class of the community from sharing the burthens of the state. Parliament has indeed contributed to the extension of this ruinous course, by that monstrous act which, remitting penalties incurred to highly offending districts, sanctioned that shocking principle, that in the enormous extent of his offences the delinquent should find his best security. The office of high sheriff, here accounted burthensome, is in Ireland a cause of political contest, and the appointment and means of attaching powerful individuals to the government of the day.

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