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CHAP. 1.]

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revision and alteration. There were various other subjects, unnecessary for him to allude to at present, which were equally pressing upon the notice of the House; he would only instance the state of the poor-laws, as they respected the equalization of rates. All that he was desirous of urging upon tice of the House at present was, the absolute necessity of redeeming their pledge, by immediately entering into that enquiry, which was, of all others, the most important-namely, into the state of the finances, and by thus showing to the country that their condition was not absolutely hopeless, and that the promises of parliament were not mere empty sounds without meaning. Before he concluded, he begged to allude to one part of the hon. gentleman's speech opposite, and the more so, because it formed a part of the address under consideration. He meant that part which pledged the House to measures of economy. That part the address and speech of the honour able gentleman must be taken to mean, such a rigorous investigation into the amount of our enormous establishments, both at home and abroad, as would lead to this result,-that our expences would be reduced to the smallest amount possible, consistently with our safety. For it was a robbery of the people of this country, it was a cruel mockery of their sufferings, to tell them, after twenty-five years of distress and misery, and when the long-looked for peace was at length arrived, that they were still to endure the expences of war, without the benefits of peace. And for what purpose? For the purpose of securing the cession of new islands, of appoint. ing new governors, new secretaries, new clerks, of establishing new sources of patronage, new causes of alarm to the people, and new quarters from which danger may be portended to their rights. The right honourable

the Chancellor of the Exchequer had
expressed a hope that gentlemen would
turn their attention to the accounts
that would be laid before them, not
in the gross, but in detail, and that
they would investigate the items. He
would promise the right honourable
gentleman that he, for one, would
not only examine them en masse,
but would go through every estimate
and item in all its bearings, in the
humble hope of assisting the right
honourable gentleman in his laudable
enquiry. Thus the problem might be
discussed this session, as to what was
the least farthing of expence in every
department, from the establishment of
the prince down to that of the com-
mon soldier, which was necessary for
the country to pay, consistently with
its security, and what was the lowest
reduction in our civil and military es-
tablishments which that security could
admit of."

A variety of remarks, similar to those
of Mr Brougham, or illustrative of
some of the positions contained in his
speech, were made by Lord Milton,
Sir Samuel Romilly, Mr Tierney, Mr
Coke (of Norfolk), and Mr Horner.
But the state of the agricultural classes
formed the subject of subsequent and
far more deliberate discussions, of
which we shall soon give an account.
Lord Castlereagh replied, at some
length, to the speeches of the opposi-
tion members. He began with repro-
bating that freedom of language which
some of these gentlemen assumed, in re-
gard to foreign governments not repre-
sented or able to defend themselves in
the British Senate-house. His lordship
then proceeded to state, that "though
he expected great differences on all the
foreign questions, he still denied the
accuracy of the assertion that had been
made, that the address now under con-
sideration was entitled to support, be-
cause it pledged the House to nothing.
The merits of the peace under existing

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circumstances would be subject to the examination of the House on a future day. He admitted it would then be for them to consider whether a wiser peace, or one more advantageous for this country, and for Europe in general, might not have been made, after the successes which had crowned the army of England in conjunction with her allies. These were points that would be open for discussion, and for these ministers stood responsible in their characters and in their situations; but still it would be seen, that, agreeing to the present address, the House acceded to the proposition, that there never had been a peace concluded for this, or perhaps for any other country, so advantageous, so glorious in all respects, and so completely accomplishing the most sanguine expectations of the country. He was not surprised at the gloomy ap prehensions expressed by some of the gentlemen who had spoken on the other side remembering, as he did, what were their feelings while we were engaged in the prosecution of the war, it was not to be expected that these would be at once removed by the return of peace. Some difficulties were to be anticipated; for he should be glad to know where a peace had been made in any part of the world, which had left all the community for whom it was made without one grievance to complain of? He, however, should be glad to have this peace compared with any of those which had been pressed on the attention of parliament during the war by their opponents, as models for that which it would be desirable to gain, and he would confidently ask, if, among these, any one could be found at all to be compared with the present ?

"The attention of parliament must necessarily be soon directed to the internal situation of the country. He wished the question to be fairly look

ed at. They ought not to turn aside either from the view of the general policy, or that of the internal state of the country; and with respect to the latter, there was certainly much to be considered; but he wished to know what peace could have been made which would not have left much for consideration, how best to conduct the country from one situation to a state so immensely different, as that was to which we were now coming, from that which we have so long known-from prosperous war (for even in the war the marks of prosperity failed not to manifest themselves, and continue to accumulate in every year), to profound peace. There was no man who could' suppose, at the close of such a war, that some indications of calamity would not result from the changes consequent on the transition of the industry of the country from the war market to the peace market. But, looking at this, he desired that an exaggerated view might not be taken of the evils to be surmounted. It was fit that the country should look them in the face; to meet them with success, it was necessary they should know the extent of the difficulties with which they had to contend; but it was not from taking an exaggerated view of them that parliament would be enabled to supply the proper remedy. While he admitted that the difficulties referred to existed to a certain degree, he felt he might even now congratulate the country on the si tuation in which it was found at the close of such a contest—a situation very different, and gratifyingly different, from that in which it had been left at the termination of every former war. If they looked back to the end of the American war, would they find that it was possible for the Chancellor of the Exchequer of that day, while seeking for topics of consolation, to speak of the flourishing state of the

industry, commerce, or revenues of the country? Was there not a general failure in each-a depression in all of them, arising out of the sacrifices caused by the war? and was not that decay in the prosperity of all classes to be lamented which now only pressed upon the agricultural interests of the country, and he trusted would be shown on a future day, when the subject came under the consideration of the House, to proceed from temporary causes? It had been stated in the address, that the manufactures, commerce, and revenue, were in a flourish. ing state. To these the word arts had been prefixed by an hon. and learned gentleman (Mr Brougham). But these were not mentioned in the speech from the throne; and, he presumed, had only been introduced for the purpose of amplification. Assuredly, the circumstances of the country warranted the assertion referred to. He wished not to enter into details at present; all he wished was, that the country should look with a steady, manly resolution at the difficulties with which they had yet to contend, as they had done during those they had to struggle with during the war. Doing this, they would have ministers ready to go hand in hand with them, determined not to resort to those false expedients which had formerly been suggested, and resolved to persevere in those solid measures, which, founded on sound principles, had finally brought the war to a suc'cessful termination. Though not disposed to go into details on this occasion, he thought it might be well that he should describe the present state of the revenue, and by comparing the amount of British goods exported in the three-quarters of a year, ending October 10, 1814, with those of the three-quarters, ending at the same period in the following year, it would be seen that the passage in the speech,

which had been so much commented on, was borne out by facts. The British manufactures exported in the three-quarters of a year, ending October 10, 1814, amounted to 37,167,294/. Those exported in the three-quarters, ending October 10, 1815, amounted to 42,425,3571. This was the amount of their real or declared value; and from this comparison it would be seen that the increase which had taken place amounted to 5,258,063/. This addition to our external commerce he considered of the greatest importance. The internal state of the country was such, that, deducting the amount of the property-tax, (which was nearly the same as in the preceding year,) the taxes on the home consumption, down to January 5, 1816, notwithstanding a falling off to the amount of four or five hundred thousand pounds in the customs, the increase in the revenue upon the whole amounted to a million and a half. If there was a falling off in the customs, he had the satisfaction to state, there was not only no falling off in the excise, but the excess under this head covered the decrease which had occurred under the former. The wartaxes had kept steady: they did not vary more than 200,000l. from what they were last year. There then was a vast increase of the external commerce of the country; the excise was enormously increased, and the revenue was generally in a flourishing state, which proved, that the community possessed, in as great a degree as formerly, the means of indulging those tastes and dispositions which caused that consumption from which this revenue arose. Though he did not undervalue the depression complained of by the agricultural interest, he was not discouraged at it, as he trusted it would prove temporary. If the agricultural interest had steadily prospered for a considerable number of years, (as it was well known it had,) while

other classes of the community suffer. ed severely, it was not a matter of surprise that it should at length encounter misfortune, and it ought not to occasion despondency, though a remedy, if practicable, ought to be supplied. If parliament met the difficulties of the country fairly, and joined to sustain the credit of the country, this would be likely to afford the agricul turist the most effectual relief."

The House divided upon the amendment, which not having been expected, many both of the ministerial and of the opposition members had withdrawn. The address, in its original state, however, was still carried by a majority of 67.

But great difference of opinion was expressed in regard, first, to the justice of those principles of general polity, in virtue of which England was supposed to have concurred with the allies in aiding the restoration of Louis XVIII. to the throne of France; secondly, the wisdom of those measures which the allied powers had adopted for the coercion and punishment of the country in whose internal government they had thus interfered; and, thirdly, the policy of those territorial arrangements, by which the future repose of Europe had been provided for. On each of these points, several long and eloquent speeches were pronounced. With regard to the first, we beg to refer our readers to some observations on the principles of legitimacy, as applied to monarchical right; and on the circumstances under which the second restoration of Louis XVIII. took place, inserted in the last volume of this Register,* because there, as we conceive, the arguments on both sides of the question have already been condensed. The measures of establishing a foreign army of sur

The first subjects which formally engaged the attention of parliament, were the policy of the government in regard to the treaties lately concluded, and the arrangement of the affairs of the continent founded upon their provisions. In discussing these topics, in themselves of so extensive a character, the various speakers, more particularly those of the Lower House, indulged in the display of many arguments and reasonings entirely extraneous, inso-veillance in France, and of exacting much that the debates were protracted during several successive nights. Upon the whole, however, the substance of the views and principles developed in the course of these evenings, may be reduced to a comparatively small compass. On one point, as might have been expected from the proceedings on the opening of the session, namely, the splendid nature of the exertions and successes of our armies, the members of both houses agreed in express ing the same sentiments of patriotic congratulation. With few exceptions, the propriety of adopting the most vigorous measures on the return of Buonaparte, was now, as in the preceding year, maintained by all parties.

from that country the heavy pecuniary mulct inflicted by the definitive treaty, were attacked on many different grounds by different members of the legislative bodies, but were, on the whole, very successfully defended by ministers, both in the Upper and in the Lower House. The speech of Lord Liverpool, the first delivered in the House of Lords, appears to have comprehended almost every thing that could be, with propriety, advanced. His Lordship began with detailing the events of the campaign terminating in the second occupation of Paris, and of the manner in which the exiled monarch had resumed the exercise of his sovereignty. He then went on to the

• See Edinburgh Annual Register for 1815, Chap. xvi.

ultimate arrangements adopted upon the close of these transactions. "It has been asserted,” said he, “ that no examples existed which could warrant the present conduct of England and her allies with respect to France. It was triumphantly maintained, that no treaties could be found where the principle of such interference had been avowed. How different, it was said, were the proceedings connected with the accession of King William and of the house of Hanover! In answer to such assertions, he would ask-Had the gentlemen who advanced such arguments ever looked into the treaties relative to the accession of these two houses? He would first call the attention of their Lordships to a treaty between Queen Anne and the StatesGeneral, concluded at the Hague on the 29th of October, 1709, in the second article of which it was stipulated, that no power having a right to call in question the succession of the house of Hanover to the throne of Great Britain, and to oppose the laws made to this purpose, by the crown and parliament of Great Britain, the States General engage and promise to assist and maintain in the said succession, her or him to whom it shall belong by virtue of the said acts of parliament, to assist them in taking possession, if they have not already got it; and to oppose those who would disturb them in the taking such possession, or in the actual possession of the aforesaid succession.' In the treaty of January 29, 1713, there was a similar article, where the States-General further engaged, after the decease of the queen, to assist the house of Hanover in obtaining and keeping possession of the throne of England. And in the 15th article of this latter treaty, it is agreed, that all kings, princes, and states, that desire to come into this treaty, may be invited and admitted thereunto. In the 7th article of the

treaty of Triple Alliance, there was likewise a stipulation, that if the government of the house of Hanover were disturbed by any internal plots, France and Holland should furnish the same succours as in case of foreign invasion.

"Here, then, were treaties and solemn engagements made under the sanction of the parliament of Great Britain, not against foreign enemies, but against internal conspiracy and sedition. There were indeed some people who would maintain, that the accession of the house of Hanover was not then desired by the majority of the nation; and certainly all must allow, that at the time alluded to, there existed in this country a most formidable party, in wealth, rank, connexions, and talent, which was decidedly hostile to that illustrious house. The wiser part of the nation had, however, demanded them for its rulers; and he would ask, whether there could be any principle which justified the English nation in then calling upon foreigners for interference, which would not now even more amply justify England in her interference with the internal direction of French affairs? No man could be less willing to become an advocate for the house of Stuart than himself; but he could not help observing, as to the rival dynasties of Stuart and Brunswick, and their probable influence and consequences upon foreign nations, it could have been of very little importance to other states by which of the two houses England might be govern ed. But here, in the case of France, there was no rational hope of internal tranquillity or safety to any individual state of Europe, unless there was a direct interference with the domestic management of France. He knew that there were some who maintained, that the dismemberment of France would have been better than this continued intermeddling with its affairs; and cer

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