perate qualification of so fearful execution, the terror whereof were sufficient punishment to greater offences, and that an equal hand of severity may be held over them at Bradford, as over Leeds, Wakefield and Halifax, for their lofts, exercises and conferences, &c. And thus, craving humbly your honourable, wise and gracious assistance herein, for the glory of God and the peaceable state of the Church, I rest,

At your Lordship's commands in my best endeavours,
B. MORE,

Preacher and Rector of the Church there.

"Gieseley, 29th of September, 1633."

Our next extract will refer to Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, who fell under Laud's unforgiving hatred for advising the King to connive at the Puritans, and to shew them some little indulgence. For acting on this policy at his court at Leicester, and pleading in its behalf the Royal pleasure, Laud instituted proceedings against the unfortunate Bishop, on the ground that, being a sworn counsellor, he had revealed the King's secrets. The following interesting particulars respecting his demeanour in adversity occur in a letter, dated July 24 (1637), from Sir Thomas Fairfax to his grandfather, written from Hackney, where the Countess Vere appears to have had a country-seat.

"The Bishop of Lincoln is now in the Tower, suspended from all his livings and fined £10,000 to the King. The profits of the Deanery of Westminster are sought after by Dr. Duppa, the Prince's tutor. The fate of this Bishop is much lamented, for he bestowed most of his revenues in pious works and charitable deeds, and the conferring to other hands will be a sensible loss to those that had tasted his liberality. Yet, although it is just judgment for his infinite pride and ambition, which stood as offensive briers about so many sweet roses, he hath now a good memento to humble himself, but not so much means to work the accustomary good he used to do. At the dissolving of his family he shewed that liberality was a natural disposition to him; for after he had spoken a moving and eloquent speech to his servants, expressing his sorrow that he was forced to cast them off so suddenly, and deprived of means to reward the faithful service they had done him, in a passion he broke off, flinging from them in a confused manner, accompanied with tears, saying he must part, and after he was gone sent £2500 to be distributed amongst them. Thus in the lowest ebb of fortune did he shew the treasures of a rich mind. Yesterday, Prynne was sent to Caernarvon Castle, Burton to Lancaster, and Bastwick into Cornwall.”—I. 338.

The editor of this Correspondence, in his eagerness to repeat the thrice-told tale of the oppressions of Charles I., brings in, apropos to Bishop Williams, the story of Hampden, Cromwell and others having, in the year 1638, embarked as emigrants in vessels chartered for North America, and their being forbidden proceeding on their voyage by an order of council. Mr. G. W. Johnson introduces this as "a well-known fact," quoting Neale and Walpole as his authorities. Now the fact is disputed. It rests on no contemporaneous authority. In her Memoirs of the Court of Charles, Miss Aikin pronounces, and to our satisfaction proves, the story to be "unfounded." She shews that although eight ships which were in the Thames in the spring of 1638, prepared to go to New England, were stayed by an order of council, they were subsequently liberated by the King's order, on the petition of the merchants, passengers and owners, and the latter were permitted to proceed in their intended voyage. The words of Rushworth (Part ii. 409), whom

she quotes (I. 473), shew that "all who had embarked for New England on board those ships must actually have proceeded thither."

One of the Fairfax family, whose letters give value to these two volumes, is Henry, second son of the first Lord. He was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, where he contracted an intimate friendship with Mr. George Herbert. He was elected a Fellow of this College in 1608. Entering into orders, he took the small living of Newton Kyme, of which his father was patron. In 1615, he was installed Prebend of Friday Thorpe. From Newton he removed to the rectory of Ashtonunder-Lyne. He married Mary, daughter of Sir Henry Cholmley, an accomplished and charming person. In Walker's "Sufferings of the Clergy," he is styled Fairfax, D. D. This would seem to be

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an error. There was a Henry Fairfax, D.D., the author of the Memorials of Lord Thomas Fairfax," but he belonged to Magdalen College, Oxford, and did not take his Doctor's degree till 1680. Walker speaks of Henry Fairfax's being driven from Ashton by threatenings, and of the living being taken forcible possession of by a party of soldiers, and asserts that Fairfax's books and papers were rifled by his successor, Mr. John Harrison. It is a strong presumption against the truth of this story that no mention is made of any of these circumstances in these family memorials. It was from Sir George Booth (afterwards Lord Delamere) that Henry Fairfax received the living. Sir George and the Fairfaxes pursued a similar political career. From Sir George Mr. Harrison received the living on its being vacated by Fairfax. The story is quite inconsistent with the character and relative position of the parties. Mr. Harrison was a scholar and a man of strict conscience. This was proved by his conduct in regard to the living after his own ejectment. Lord Delamere kindly offered to give it to his son Maurice, who was a Conformist minister. Believing him not to be equal to so great a charge, he declined it for his son, and used his influence, and successfully, in behalf of Mr. Ellison. Henry Fairfax, though not one of the 2000 confessors of St. Bartholomew's-day, was, as evidently appears from his letters, a man of liberal mind, and in all probability coincided with the political views of his family. Walker's book was written as a set-off against Dr. Calamy's account of the Ejected Ministers. In his desire to magnify the sufferings of the clergy, he did not rigidly scrutinize his statements, and, as the last biographer of Baxter has remarked, his book "is exceedingly incorrect in the statement of numbers, in the representation of many occurrences, and in general is deficient in historic fidelity. It cannot be referred to as a book of authority." (Orme's Life and Times of Richard Baxter, II. 401.) Walker's authority is the Rev. Barnabas Oley, who in his Preface to George Herbert's Country Parson conjectures that Henry Fairfax was sequestered from the Rectory of Bolton Percy "for his good affection to God and the King." This conjecture we know to be without foundation, as we may conclude was Walker's less qualified statement, which was not published till about fifty years after the death of Henry Fairfax. His quitting Ashton was probably voluntary, although it might be occasioned by the disturbed state of the district. He returned to Newton, where he found that peace which was congenial to his amiable temper. During the time of the civil wars, from 1642 to 1646, "their little parsonage-house was a refuge and sanctuary to all their

friends and relations on both sides." On the death of Dr. Stanhope, he succeeded to the living of Bolton Percy. In 1649, he had the misfortune to lose his wife, to whose memory he put up a monument in the church. He himself lived to 1665; and five years after, his son Henry succeeded to the family title as fourth Baron. His character was exemplary, and his amusements were antiquities and heraldry.

We must give two short letters from Mary Cholmeley, one when she was betrothed to, the other when she was the wife of, Henry Fairfax. It would seem from the first that the pecuniary means of the lovers were not equal to their rank and virtues.

"To my assured loving Cousin, Mr. Henry Fairfax, give these.

“ Blessed God, bless our designs, prosper our intentions, and consummate our desires, to his glory and our comforts, if it be his blessed will. I am glad to hear your father is so well pleased, and wish to see him at York, where I hope by good advice to procure the best means to move him for a jointure, which God knows is so needful for me to demand, as I fear, if it be denied, we shall both wish you had not thought me worthy the titles of (dear love); for so dear you are in my esteem as I assure you you have no cause to doubt the continuance of my firm affection. I pray you, if Sir Ferdinand Fairfax be pleased to go to Whitby to my brother Cholmeley, concerning my portion, entreat him to speak to Sir Thomas Fairfax earnestly to desire my brother Scott to go with him. I could say I wish to see you, but the weather is so unseasonable, and the way so dangerous, by reason of waters, as I will not desire it. I will wear your ring till you take it from me. Humbly beseeching Almighty God to be with us, commit you to His gracious protection, that guides my heart unfeignedly to desire myself entirely yours,

MARY CHOLMELEY. "My mother remembers her love to you, with many thanks for her Christmas provision. My sister Scott commends her kindly to you."

The lovers were soon after wed, and thus five or six years after wrote the wife to her husband during his absence from Lancashire: To my ever dear loving Mr. Fairfax, Parson of Ashton, give these. London. "My own dearest love,-I received a letter and horse from Long on Thursday (Jan. 31), and will use means to send Procter's horse to Denton. I did not so much rejoice at thy safe passage, as at that blessed and all-sufficient Guide, whose thou art, and whom I know thou truly servest, that hath for a small time parted us, and I firmly hope will give us a joyful meeting. Dear heart, take easy journeys, and prefer thy own health before all other worldly respects whatsoever. Thy three boys at Ashton are well; thy little Harry is weaned; all that love us pray for thy safe return. I pray you beg a blessing for us all, for I must needs commit you to His gracious protection that will never fail us nor forsake us.

"Ashton, February 2, 1632."

Thine ever,

MARY FAIRFAX.

It is well known that an anxious desire pervaded the Puritans of the 17th century for the promotion of learning. The scheme of the establishment of another university was anxiously discussed. The Metropolis was, in 1648, proposed by Sir William Petty, in his letter to Hartlib, as the proper site for the new establishment. But some letters which we shall presently quote will shew that both Manchester and York had been previously thought of. So strong was the desire for the establishment of a Northern university, that, in 1657, Oliver Cromwell issued a charter" for founding of a College at the city of Durham.”

The death of the Protector, the feebleness of his successor, and the violent opposition of the two Universities, stopped the design, although the charter was actually engrossed and prepared for the seal.

In March, 1641, we find the worthy parson of Ashton promoting the plan of a university at Manchester. Addressing his brother, Lord Fairfax, he writes,

"I have here inclosed some propositions lately made at Manchester, in a public meeting there, concerning an university; which if you please to consider what good it may bring to our whole North, and other parts; what glory to the Parliament to be the founder of that, and what honour to your lordship to be chief agent in it; posterity may bless you, and the work itself will speak that the like hath not been in England (if Čambridge be the last) not of two thousand years."

The petition from Manchester, which was enclosed, contained several allegations substantially the same as those in the two petitions from the county of York (Vol. II. pp. 274-280). Both allege that from the want of a Northern university "many ripe and hopeful wits have been lost for want of education, some being unable, others unwilling, to send their children so far from their own eyes, to the sole care and tuition of strangers." The petitioners further allege that Cambridge and Oxford were not only distant one or two hundred miles from them, but that those universities were very costly, through the multitude of scholars, the dearth of provisions and fuel, and the scarcity of lodgings. Other reasons were, the necessity of providing a greater supply of learned men and laborious teachers to convince and discourage Papists, and the probability that scholarships, &c., would be established in the Northern counties by private gentlemen.

The special grounds in favour of Manchester as the proper site of the new university are thus stated:

"We apprehend Manchester to be the fittest place for such a foundation, it being almost the centre of these Northern parts, a town of great antiquity, formerly both a city and a sanctuary, and now of great fame and ability, by the happy traffic of its inhabitants; for its situation, provision of food, fuel and buildings, as happy as any town in the northern parts of the kingdom. To all this we add the convenience of the college there already built, both large and ancient, and now, as we understand, intended to this purpose by the piety and munificence of the Rt. Honourable James Lord Strange, a noble encourager of this great work."-II. 273, 274.

Ten years after the date of this petition from Manchester, Humphrey Chetham by his will founded a noble library and an educational establishment in Manchester, and his trustees were enabled, in accordance with his wish, to secure the building which had once been the residence of the warden and fellows of the collegiate church, but which was then the property of the Earl of Derby, the son of the Lord Strange of 1641. On behalf of York it was alleged that that city was 66 very near the centre of these Northern parts;" that it was "ancient and famous, supported by the strong pillars of commerce and trade;" that it was cheaply "furnished with food, raiment and fuel;" that it had in it a college already well endowed (the Bedron, a college of vicarschoral and singing men), with a large hall for the readers, and good convenient lodgings for the students;" also, that it had "another college, founded by St. William in K. Stephens' time;" and, lastly, that

In

there is "the benefit of a library, some time the most famous in Europe, but being burnt about that time the University of Paris was founded, may again be made to flourish by the help of charitable persons." another petition it was alleged as a motive for selecting York, that there was "already a printer there,”—a very rare distinction at that time of a provincial town.

Neither the petition from Manchester nor that from York was successful. Indeed, it would seem from the reply of Lord Fairfax to his brother Henry, that the Parliamentary friends of the Northern university did not consider the time sufficiently ripe for the scheme, and made few efforts for it. It is not very creditable to the diligence of the editor that this letter precedes in his second volume that to which it is in fact a reply, by nearly 200 pages.

"For my loving brother, Mr. Henry Fairfax, at Ashton-under-Lyne, Lancashire. "Good Brother,—I have advised with divers gentlemen, who serve for the counties of Lancashire (Lancaster) and Chester, concerning an university at Manchester, but find them hopeless of having it. I gave the writings concerning that business to Mr. Ashton, one of the knights for that county, to confer with the rest, who has not yet given me any answer. The way to effect it must be by Bill, which will be a charge of one hundred marks at least, too much to be hazarded on so great an uncertainty; and therefore I think it fittest to let that rest, and let none come to solicit it in this troublesome time, when all businesses of the commonweal are at a stay, my Lord of Strafford still keeping us in play. Against him we have framed a short Bill to convict him of treason, which was the speedier way, had we not been at first misled by the other opinion of going by the Lords, to effect either of which (both being now on foot) I fear will take a fortnight's time longer, my Lord having yet to answer upon counsel upon the first way and upon the other; our Bill being yet upon committee in our own House, which will ask divers days to be engrossed for the Lords, where it may attend their leisures. So are all the business of the commonweal at a stop at this present. If there be an opening, I shall let you know; but I long to be in the country, where my cousin Bellasis has been this month, and promised to return by Easter. Either myself before I go, or he in my absence, will do our best; but truly I much fear the success. I pray you remember my love to my sister; so, in haste, I rest

"Your very affectionate brother,
FER. FAIRFAX."

The portion of the above letter that relates to the proceedings against Strafford is important, as it confutes Clarendon's statement that the Bill of Attainder was hurried through the House, being read at once a first and second time, and committed. In agreement with the above letter, the editor states that the Bill was read a first time April 10, a second time April 14. On the 20th, it was still in committee, and was passed on the 21st.

We anticipate from the future volumes some interesting facts illustrative of Presbyterianism in Yorkshire, of which Thomas, the third Lord Fairfax (the great Parliamentary General), and his lady were zealous patrons. Mr. Stretton, the minister of Mill-hill chapel, was introduced into the county as chaplain to Lord Fairfax. We shall return to the subject soon after the publication of the third and fourth volumes.