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Come, bow to his magical sway,

whiff for her return, and five minutes after, Come, drink to the King of the Lyre,
the signal was enforced by a gun. The cut-
ter returned with one of the negroes and For his is the true attic fire,
Obadiah Simpkins: no sooner was she
alongside than she was hoisted up to the
quarter, the mainsail filled, and all possible
sail made.

Hostilities had commenced with America. The Belinda, with her gallant but incomplete and enfeebled crew, was hastening to her destiny. It was a sad one-one, though not of victory, yet not without glory.

That can only with Nature's decay.

THE NOTE-BOOK OF AN IRISH BAR-
RISTER.-No. XX.

LORD PLUNKETT.

Christopher Crosstrees is now fully installed in his command. He is a PRIZE-MAS- LORD PLUNKETT remained long insensible TER. We assure our readers that in all we to the importunities of his friends, who have related there is but little fiction. We were anxious to see him in parliament. have not only described the true thing, but the manner in which it was conducted. In a future paper we may detail in what fashion the old quarter-master commanded his prize, to what fate he led her, how he treated his strange crew and his prisoners, and finally we may give the biography of the idiot sailor lad.

COME, DRINK TO THE KING OF
THE LYRE.

DEDICATED TO THOMAS MOORE, ESQ.

They knew the certainty of his success, but he either thought differently, or did not wish to hazard a reputation which was fully rewarded and appreciated in his own country. Curran called him the Irish Gylippus,' and was of opinion that in the British senate his eloquence and argumentative powers would distance all competition. Being at length prevailed on to try his fortunes in that perilous field, where it had long been supposed so sickly a plant as Irish_oratory could take no root, he was returned for the University of Dublin in 1812, which he continued to represent while he was a member of the House of Commons. His fame had preceded him; but in proportion to the high opinions entertained of his powers was the danger he incurred. He was now on a

"The poet of all circles, and the idol of his own." strange theatre, where some of the most

BY MRS. CRAWFORD.

COME, drink to the King of the Lyre,
Come, bow to his magical sway,
For his is the true attic fire,

That can only with Nature's decay.
He has won all the gems from the mine;
Earth and ocean have yielded their store,
Till his brow is as bright as the shrine

That the worshipping pilgrims adore.
When he comes in the pride of his song,
To wake all the echoes of earth,

He sweeps like a meteor along

From the cloud of its mystical birth. O, he is the wizard to weave

The spell of the magical tone:

He speaks and we hardly believe

eminent men that Ireland produced had failed to command the applause of listening senates,' and he had the modesty to doubt the effect of his unrivalled powers on the fastidious taste of an audience whose boast is, that it is more swayed by reason than susceptibility, and that the orator who aspires to vanquish it must use the weapons of argumentative rather than of impassioned speaking. Irish eloquence was deemed little better than unthinking declamation, and of course unfitted for this high court of reason. Such Irishmen as had the power to force parliamentary admiration were curiously enough set down as no Irishmen atall, though the unequivocal genuineness of their racy brogue at once proved the land of their nativity; or, what is equally curious, and just as satisfactory to common sense, all their

That he breathes the same tongue as our prodigious success was attributed to the extra

own.

In the web his bright fancy has spun,
He has mingled the hues of the skies,
And his metaphors glow like the sun,
In the depth of their beautiful dyes:
Like the strains of his own lovely isle,
He mixes the sad with the gay;
He can rainbow our hearts with a smile,
Or melt them in softness away.

ordinary influences of an English atmosphere, which corrected all the grosser impurities, and brought out the bullion in its pure and shining state. These men were not 'mere Irish,' they passed under the more refined name of Anglo-Irish, and their splendid triumphs were ascribed to the high degree of polish they acquired from their connection with English society, just as if a few years' residence could alter the constitution of the human mind, and substitute a new set of intellectual qualities for those derived from early training and education. Mr. PlunSome with reason, or fancy more bright-kett proved in himself the absolute unsound

Some with beautiful language delight,
Some with pathos our feelings enthral,

But he has the gift of them all !

VOL. XI.

37

* Continued from page 217.

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ness of this strange heresy. It could not be | proper appendages of wealth and knowledge well said of him that his rough angles were and education, and of everything which conrubbed off by constant intercourse with Eng-stitutes moral and political strength. In lish society, and that he had cast aside the every system of human policy the few must old slough to appear in a new and un-Irish govern the many, but their legitimate gov form. He was a pure unmixed specimen of ernment must arise from their superiority in native power, fresh from the Liffey, unac- wealth and knowledge; if, therefore, you quainted with the arts and artifices of states-exclude the wealthy and educated, you throw manship, and trusting for success solely to into the scale of the many the only weight the influence of eloquence and argument. which could have preserved the balance of The result was not for a moment doubtful. the state itself. This is universally true; but His surpassing merits took the senate com- when you reject the opulent and the educatpletely by surprise. They expected to hear ed on account of a condition which they have from him much that was forcible, fanciful, in common with the many, you add the atand passionate-profusion of imagery and traction of politics and party to the operation exaggeration of sentiment, but very little of of general and moral causes; and if the the clear, sober and practical. He astonish- principle of exclusion be a religious one, you ed them by the thorough purity of his style, organize the principles of furious and interalthough he had learned in a school in which, minable revolution. Put the policy of the to quote a critical canon prevalent with our separation of political rank from property neighbours, all the fresh and rude virtues and education in the extreme case of their flourished which mark the transition from total division, or in any intermediate degree, savage life to comparative refinement.' Mr. the conclusion is equally true, that the atPlunkett soon convinced them that an Irish tempt to separate establishes a principle, not orator was somewhat in advance of a Chip- of government, but of the dissolution of all pewa chief, or of children who are ever mis- government. So sensible of this truth were taking finery for elegance, and flowers for our ancestors that when they saw, or thought fruit that he could be, in fact, a man of they saw, a necessity for dishonouring the business and practice, exhibiting sound and Roman Catholic, they adopted as a necessasolid attainments. He threw on the adver- ry consequence the policy of impoverishing saries of Irish eloquence the burthen of prov- and barbarizing him. That policy was coning in what respects an English differed sistent-the means had a diabolical fitness from an Irish speaker, and whether the style for the end. What have we done? We have of the one country was not characterized by trod back their steps, we have rescued the as much true and healthy thought, by as Catholics from the code which formed at much chasteness of sentiment, and strength once their servitude and our safety, and we and propriety of expression, by as much fancy we can continue the exclusion from weight of argumentation, and as much prac- civil station which superinduced that code. tical knowledge of the common affairs of Theirs was not a real or fancied necessity, life, as that of the most favoured orators on but a consistent system; we pretend no nethe other side of the Channel. cessity, and we have voluntarily abdicated His first experiment in the British parlia- the means of safety, and we wilfully and usement was on Mr. Grattan's motion for Ca-lessly continue the causes of danger. The tholic relief, which placed his reputation as an orator among the most exalted of the age. Before his appearance, the merits of that important question had been comparatively unknown. It had often been discussed by energetic advocates on both sides, but it remained for him to place it in a moral, social, The instances in the British senate are very and political light, through which it had rare where eloquence has triumphed over never before been contemplated. He para- the prejudices of party, where the most powlyzed the House by his stupendous powers erful arguments have had the effect of gainof logic and eloquence. The fire of his ing over a single vote. It has been truly remagnificent mind,' said Grattan with noble marked, that if Demosthenes were to speak enthusiasm, was lighted by coals from an- in the House of Commons, his oratory would cient altars, in the delivery of that unrival-go for nothing, so far as its influence on the led speech.' It was from beginning to end a stream of the closest argument. It would be difficult to select any one passage for extraction, for its power consists more in the fine proportions and consummate unity of the whole than in separate bursts; but we take the following, which, as a specimen of unanswerable logic, is unequalled.

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"The topic that toleration admits of one consideration, and political power of another, has little application to this case, even if it were true; for here it must be contended that rank and station and honour are not the

time to have paused was before we heaved from those sons of earth the mountains which the wisdom or terrors of our ancestors had heaped upon them, but we have raised them up, and placed them erect; are we prepared to hurl them down and bury them again?'

division were taken as a test of success. Every member having predetermined to pursue a certain line of policy, all the ora tory of Greece or Rome would be lost on his stubborn prejudices or passions. Parties might as well divide without any discussion, for debates seem to have no direct power, and are only useful in the formation or correction of public opinion. Mr. Plunkett's speech was an exception; for he gained over some Scotch members who were systematically adverse to the Catholic claims, and confirmed some of his own party who were

renewed the official fortunes of Mr. Plunkett. Saurin was displaced from the attorneygeneralship after a tenure of fifteen years; he was offered the chief-justiceship, but he aspired to the seals, and he dallied with the offer, until Bushe at last secured it as the just reward of his genius and his services. Mr. P. was at once named Attorney, with Joy as Solicitor-general.

wavering in their allegiance. Of this speech | We now bring him back to Ireland. While Sir James Mackintosh said, Plunkett's has Saurin was Attorney-general, the celebrated made a deeper impression than any speech case of O'Grady and the Crown was heard, since Sheridan's, in 1783, on the charge to which we alluded in our notice of Chief against Hastings respecting the Begum of Justice Bushe. The Chief Baron was the Oude. It is, I believe, the only speech which early friend and patron of Mr. Plunkett, and has been known to determine the votes, of he retained him with an ample fee of five several individuals. For the honour of hundred pounds, knowing well that money Scotch conscience I am happy to say that it is the greatest stimulant to exertion. The was the direct and sure cause of two Scotch- Attorney-general stated the case with that men, Mr. A. and Mr. F. The last is enthu- calm and simple clearness which charactersiastic in his admiration of Plunkett. The ized him, and he was replied to by Mr. -members of the House of Commons were Plunkett. The cord of friendship had of late more influenced by his speech than any oth-years been rather lax between the two great er in modern times.' Such was the opinion lawyers, for Mr. Plunkett felt, though he did of a very high authority on the effects of not openly express it, that Saurin was a sort Mr. Plunkett's eloquence, which was allow- of usurper in the high office he held. He ed by all to be of the most elevated charac- meditated revenge, and he had it. His speech ter, and that at a time when the Commons was a torrent of burning invective; he fiercely boasted of a Wyndham, a Wilberforce, a attacked the unbecoming conduct of the law Canning, Horner, Brougham, and Romilly. advisers of the crown, and menaced them One of the great secrets of his parliamentary with impeachment. Saurin bitterly felt the success was, that he rarely took part in de- personalities,-his rival apologized, but the bates except on subjects connected with Ire-wound had been inflicted, and their ancient land, with which he had a most extensive friendship was never, we believe, fully reacquaintance, and on which he could never stored. A change of administration, in 1822, be taken by surprise. The principal instance in which he deviated from this safe and prudent course was a memorable one-the debate on the Manchester riots—where he acted a conspicuous part. For his conduct on that occasion he has been much blamed. He has been charged with abandoning his popular principles with a view to advance his own interests, and sanctioning a violation of constitutional liberty to gratify his own ambition. His famous speech was no doubt a powerful support to the ministry, but in justice to Mr. Plunkett it should be borne in mind that some of the most influential of the Whig party, among them Lord Grenville, adopted the same line of policy. When the public liberty or safety is in peril, it is the duty of every honest citizen to say with the Roman, 'Non me impedient publicæ lites vel private offensiones, quo minus pro respublicæ salute etiam cum inimicissimo consentiam,'-and it would be absurd to deny that the crisis was a menacing one, and required the application of an instant remedy. The government erred on the side of despotism -all the guarantees of freedom were put in abeyance; but why accuse Mr. Plunkett for an excess which he could not correct or control? We are happily removed from those times, and we hope the period will never again arrive, when a meeting of the people to petition for redress will be dispersed by shot or sabre; but great discontent, not unmingled with strong revolutionary feelings, then pervaded the working classes in England; and Mr. Plunkett, knowing the contagious character of insurrection and the influence which the example of England in disorder was likely to produce on the inflammable Irish mind, stung by the repeated refusals of parliament, took his stand not so much to assist the government in its arbitrary violence, as to keep in check the swelling ndignation at home.

The union in office of the representatives of such opposite principles was strange enough, but political compounding was a vast favourite with the Marquis of Wellesley, who sought the amalgamation of parties, and endeavoured to work out the true theory of Irish administration from the crucible in which liberalism and Toryism were oddly mixed together. The process, however, was unsuccessful; the famous Bottle Riot soon occurred, and the prosecution of the upper gallery conspirators followed. The accused were indicted for 'conspiring to raise a riot and disturbance in the theatre whilst the Lord Lieutenant was present therein, and wickedly, unlawfully, riotously and routously, to insult and assault the said Lord Lieutenant in said theatre; and for that they, for the purposes and in pursuance of such conspiracy, did print and prepare divers papers on which were written the words "No Popery," and others on which were written the words "The Protestants want Talbot, and the Protestants have got all but!! and Fleming, though he has the mace, will find it hard to keep his place;" and others in which were written the following of and concerning the most noble the Marquis of Wellesley, that is to say, "Ex-Governor of the Bantams will change his Morning-tone," with intent to disperse said papers in said theatre,' &c. &c. Joy's situation was a very novel one: all his life was devoted to that very cause which he was now called on to impugn. He was very reluctant to compromise his old character,

and he would cheerfully bolt, had he the powerful monarch of Europe, seconded by power. But his colleague pinned him to his the ablest generals, at the head of the bravest new faith, by stating in the commencement and best disciplined armies in the world, that the high talents, enlightened information, and extensive knowledge of his brother Solicitor assisted him in every step of the prosecution, and that to his cordial zeal and co-operation no terms could be sufficiently strong to render justice, and express his gratitude! Joy was too old a gudgeon to be caught with such a bait; he laughed in his heart at the nailing process so dexterously attempted by the Attorney-general; but as the disagreeable burden was imposed, he assumed an air of sincerity. He analyzed the evidence with great skill, and comment ed on it with consummate coldness. He kept his own feelings altogether in the background; he reasoned for Lord Wellesley; and in the course of his speech he took care to neutralize the effects of his colleague's insidious compliments on his zeal and co-subject of these free countries-to him I owe operation.

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Far different was Mr. Plunkett's display; it was a magnificent specimen of forensic eloquence, the finest perhaps he ever delivered. His, too, was a delicate task, but arising from very different causes; his soul was set on a verdict, for he desperately hated Orangeism, a feeling which was amply reciprocated; for, like the object of Priam's animosity, they would devour him raw without salt.' He knew well that the jury was compounded of the most unfavourable materials for justice, and he sought to flatter their pride as Protestants, by identifying their principles with those of William the Third and the Revolution. In all that has been written of that monarch there is nothing which approximates in grandeur to the description of his personal character, his policy, and the difficulties he had to encounter, drawn by the Attorneygeneral. Perhaps the colouring is excessive, but the occasion required some sacrifice to real truth in order to produce the desired effect.

"There is not, my lords, perhaps to be found in the annals of history a character more truly great than that of William the Third. Perhaps no person has ever appeared in the theatre of the world who has conferred more essential and more lasting benefits on mankind: on these countries, certainly none. When I look at the abstract merits of his character, I contemplate them with admiration and reverence. Lord of a petty principality, destitute of all resources but those with which nature had endowed him, regarded with jealousy and envy by those whose battles he fought, thwarted in all his counsels, embarrassed in all his movements, deserted in his most critical enterprises, he continued to mould all these discordant materials, to govern all these warring in terests, and merely by the force of his genius, the ascendency of his integrity, and the immoveable firmness and constancy of his nature, to combine them in an indissoluble alliance against the schemes of despotism, and the universal dominion of the most

and wielding without check or control the unlimited resources of his empire. He was not a consummate general. Military men. will point out his errors; in that respect fortune did not favour him, save by throwing the lustre of adversity over all his virtues. He sustained defeat after defeat, but always rose, adversâ rerum immersabilis undâ. Looking merely at his shining qualities and achievements, I admire him as I do a Scipio, a Regulus, a Fabius-a model of tranquil courage, undeviating probity, and armed with a resoluteness and constancy in the cause of truth and freedom, which rendered him superior to the accidents which control the fate of ordinary men. But this is not all-I feel that to him, under God, I am at this moment indebted for the rights I enjoy as a

the blessings of a civil and religious liberty, and I venerate his memory with a fervour of devotion suited to his illustrious qualities and his godlike acts.'

The following piece of exquisite adulation inust have been very grateful to the royal ears for which it was intended. The artifice of the construction is only equalled by the eloquence.

In the history of royal lives there seldom has occurred an instance affording a more gratifying subject for the historian to dwell on than the royal visit to Ireland. The statement of splendid victories, the development of profound schemes of policy, the application of able counsels, and of powerful resources, the defence of the liberties of the world, all these are the subjects of historic detail, and may be the fair subjects of political controversy. But here, by the mere impulse of his own feelings, the heartiness of his nature, a moment was created, in which, without calling on any of the common-places of royalty, without the aid of fear, or force, or flattery, without arms, or power, or patronage, by the mere indulgence of his kind and generous nature, he gained to himself the most exalted privileges which a human being can exercise, that of bestowing happiness, and sharing it with millions of his fellow-creatures. The promptness with which the moment was seizedthe gracious and condescending manner by which it was improved-the thousand and ten thousand blessings which are to be derived from it, all these may be subjects of just applause and of sober criticism. But here the true value of the act is its simplicity. To enter into the hearts and become master of the enthusiastic affections of an entire people, merely by showing himself the friend and father of them all, was a felicity to him and them unparalleled in the eventful history of this nation. It was worthy the successor of the great monarch whose talents and virtues he emulated, and whose memory he rescued from the dis

graceful orgies by which it had been tarnished. Equal in the motive and the feeling, happier in this, that the hard fortune of William the Third compelled him to visit this country as a conqueror, but it was reserved for the peculiar felicity of George the Fourth that he was the first British king who ever placed a friendly step on the Irish soil.'

We will give one more passage from this splendid oration. The advocate having done all in his power to flatter the loyalty of the impanelled partisans whom he addressed, and to distinguish their principles from those of the accused, bears down, with all the force of angry and indignant eloquence, on the disloyal conduct of the offenders. After having painted in the most glowing colours the atrocity of the act, he proceeds to say

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the present day. The prosecution of Mr. O'Connell for the Bolivar speech; as it was called, was one of the most unpopular acts of Mr. Plunkett, and the ignoring of the bills was to him a deep source of mortification. He should have made some allowance for language spoken in a high state of exasperation, when the Catholic Association was about to be suppressed, but on the principle of equal justice he considered that Catholic and Protestant, Daniel O'Connell and Sheriff Thorpe, should be treated alike. The proofs of damned treason' were not, however, forthcoming; and more in hatred of the Attorney-general than love for O'Connell, the jury found, We are not informed.' It is unnecessary to dwell on the career of Lord Plunkett since that period. When Canning came into power he obtained the chief seat in the Common Pleas, from which he was soon after promoted to the high office of Chancellor. How long he may continue to hold the seals, is at present a much-agitated question. Every day we hear of the probable advent of Sir John Campbell on our shores, but Lord Plunkett still presides, and shows no inclination to surrender his authority. In one event he may be induced to spend the remainder of his honoured years in the tranquil shades of Old Connaught, if his old friend Lord Manners, or any of the ex-chancellors, should make room for him on the retired list.

But, my lords, daring and unexampled as is the crime, I hesitate not to say that the enormity of the deed is lost in the boldness of the motives. I fairly tell you I come not here on the part of the Marquis of Wellesley to ask for personal redress, or even to call for public justice, so far as he is personally concerned; not even on the part of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to seek atonement for the outrage committed against the King's representative, but on behalf of the country and its laws, on behalf of its hopes of peace and safety, to claim your aid, Ireland produced many great advocates, backed by all the authority of opinion, in but taking advocacy in its most comprehenputting down a desperate and insolent at- sive sense, the greatest of all unquestionably tempt to overawe the King's government in was Lord Plunkett. Some were more disIreland, and to compel his representative, tinguished as mere lawyers, as the citers of by the arm of personal violence, and by the authorities and cases in point; some were demonstration of a force above the law, to better versed in the routine practice of the change the measures of his government. 1 courts, some to wink at juries with greater call on you to put down the base conspiracy effect, but he surpassed all in the strong and of a contemptible gang who have associated sterling qualities that constitute a man of all to put down the laws, and to overbear the work. That he had not browsed to any conKing's representative because he has pre-siderable extent in the rank marshes of the sumed to execute the King's commands. I law, or refreshed his mind with cheering think I know the feelings of the illustrious draughts of Norman French or black letter, personage against whom this villany has is very apparent, for at the present day, unbeen directed. With respect to his own less on compulsion, he rarely refers to aupersonal safety, much as it has been endan-thority, trusting rather to general principles gered, the attack only served to arouse his gallant mettle; indignant as he must have felt to be "hawked at by such mousing owls" as these, their base attempt excited no terror, left no resentment. That there should have been in this land persons capable of conceiving and hands capable of executing such an outrage against their countryman must have excited sensations of regret and pain, but in this respect the national character has been redeemed by the universal expression of indignation which has issued from the hearts of the Irish people.'

of equity than frittering away justice in deciding technical distinctions between shadows. He was superior to all in intellectual depth, though inferior to many in book lore. When a case was laid before him, he saw, as it were instinctively, the main question to be discussed, and by a similar instinctive process, the great and leading principles which were applicable to its investigation. Having duly arranged them in his mind, marshalling them in the array of an army preparing to do battle,-van, wings, centre and reserve,-mutually supporting and assisting each other, he calmly waited the onThe issue of this memorable trial is well set of his adversary. That being successknown; the principles of the Ascendency fully repelled, he now showed his whole triumphed for a season, but the Marquis of force, and bore down on the key of his adWellesley did not change his Morning-versary's position. He was always prepared, tone,' and the foundation of a system was and always prompt to attack or repel with laid which has continued to operate up to vigour; for the resources of his mind were

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