preparation for the trial of strength which assuredly awaits us there.

France, too, has begun the work of extra-European expansion, and territorial extension. And it is curious to observe how the conquering march of the three leading powers of Europe, beginning far apart, is converging towards the same point. The French have never been good colonisers, and the supremacy of the British at sea cost them all their transmarine settlements-Acadia, Louisiana, Pondicherry. But they have ever shown much skill and address in adapting themselves to the manners and amalgamating with the population of foreign countries; and in their new colony of Algeria they have a region pre-eminently available for the extension of their power. Algeria is so near to France that reinforcements and supplies can be thrown into it in a week's time, and as speedily recalled. It is a country needing military organisation, in which the French excel, rather than civil statesmanship, in which they are comparatively deficient. The region, though for most part lying waste, is eminently fertile, and was at one time the granary of the Roman world. The possession of Algeria has already greatly added to the military power of France. Its revenues not only suffice to maintain a large body of additional soldiers, located in the colony, but the native Arab tribes, to whom war is at once a business and a pastime, form the raw material of excellent troops, and could be assembled in great numbers around the French eagles. As the army of Algeria could be easily transported to Europe, the military power of France is experiencing an increase just as if a large addition had been made to her own limits; and the command of these Arab legions may yet aid on the battle-fields of Europe to counterbalance the hosts of Asiatic auxiliaries which Russia may in the future transport on her railways into the heart of Germany. The dream of Gallic ambition, however, is to make the Mediterranean “a French lake," and the schemes of Napoleon upon Egypt have never been forgotten by the French people. It was with a view to establish the influence of France on that invaluable isthmus that M. Thiers and the Court of the Tuileries

supported Mehemet Ali against his liege-lord the Sultan; and nothing could exceed the irritation of the French Government when the successful bombardment of St. Jean d'Acre by the British fleet put an end to that dream of ambition. By her settlements in Algeria, France is forming a better and surer road to the goal of her ambition; and her progress in North Africa promises one day to bring her close to Egypt, at the head of a formidable force of fiery Arab troops, drilled, equipped, and led by the best officers of France.

Thus again are we brought back to the frontiers of Syria. Starting from most opposite points, the march of extra-European conquest is bringing Russia, France, and Britain into contact on that most important of all regions, the great Isthmus of the Old World. The necessity of speedy communication with our Indian empire-and with our Australasian colonies, destined to become a most puissant confederacy of States-renders it indispensable that Great Britain secure to herself a passage either across Egypt or Syria. And yet this portion of the earth is the very point towards which both Russia and France are advancing as the goal of their expansion. It is the cynosure of their extra-European policy. Strange region! thus attracting from afar the greatest powers of the world. Marvellous point! towards which the White oligarchs of the earth, after subduing the greater part of the world in their path, are advancing from opposite quarters, and in rival bodies, to come into collision on its plains. Can their meeting be peaceful? Can such Powers, so mighty in themselves, and each aided by a host of foreign legionaries-Arabs from Algeria, Tartars from Upper Asia, Sepoys from India-settle down in friendly juxtaposition without first trying in battle the strength of their dread armaments?

Such appears to us to be the aspect of the powers and principles at present at work in the world of foreign politics. A consideration of the subject impresses us deeply with a sense of the instability of the basis upon which rests the world's peace and England's security. In truth, Europe does not seem to be at rest

at all. There is no rest visible any where, only a nightmare sleep or a troubled dream. Peace was signed last spring, but it appears to have broken its engagement. For one symptom of disquiet before the outbreak of the Russian war, there are now half-a-dozen. It is to be feared the Peace of Paris will prove but another Peace of Amiens,-an armed truce. The bugles of truce have sounded, the flag of peace has been displayed, heralds have proclaimed it in every capital,-yet there has been little or no unbuckling of the armour. The harness of war has been but partially taken off, and the weapons are kept within easy reach. What might have been accomplished by the late war, had France not prematurely resiled, and secured good terms for the general foe, it is needless to consider. It is enough to know that the foe has been repulsed, not disabled; and that, not only upon this but upon other accounts, it is impossible for this country to return to the state of defenceless security in which we were surprised by the late war. A few weeks ago we would have said that, despite all the diplomatic battling, there would be no war in Europe until a popular rising-an insurrection or revolution-occurred somewhere; (and how soon that may happen it is impossible to say.) But the recent menaces of the Courts of Berlin and France against Switzerlan, the permission which the former has obtained from the Germanic Confederation to march an army through its territories, with the intention of attacking the Swiss, and the rumoured co-operation of France, by the projected formation of an army of observation along the French frontier of Switzerland, bring it "on the cards" that the spark of renewed Continental war may be struck, not by the popular but by the absolutist side. From the extreme caution of the French Emperor, however, we feel entitled to hope that the Neufchatel question will not be allowed to be brought to the arbitrament of the sword. It is a question which ought to admit of eary arrangement; and if a case of this kind cannot be peacefully arrange, we may well despair of the settlement of the infinitely graver

questions now troubling the diplomacy of Europe. The Neufchatel question presents no fair ground for serious dispute; and last month, while naming it, we refused to assign it a place among the symptoms indicative of Continental trouble. It is a mere stray cartridge, compared to the combustible_masses which underlie the peace of Europe; but if that cartridge be allowed to explode, the sparks may occasion a most formidable conflagration.

The bearing of Russia continues the same as we described it in detail last month. Nations-popular gov ernments-can carry on a war with a united and terrible earnestness such as is impossible in despotic countries; but they are easily taken by surprise, are slow of getting into fighting order, and ever impatient, once the fighting is over, to get to insouciant rest again. Popular states weary of watching and waiting; when not at war, they are most averse to a state of war-vigilance. The feeling is so in this country. The community was not satisfied with the Peace of Paris; but they are quite willing to abide by that peace, and only ask that its conditions be fulfilled. They are wearied and worried; their natural love of peace is intensified by recent disappointment; and were there any desire upon the part of our late antagonist to keep faith and be peaceful, Great Britain would be only too glad to turn over on her side and go to sleep again to the pleasant roar of her blast-furnaces and hum of her myriad spinning-jennies. But Russia, instead of responding to this feeling, only seeks to turn it to account, and speculates on it as a means of forcing us to resign the little advantage that the Treaty secured. There can be no doubt as to the animus of the Russian Governments. We have always held that the fine talk, so current last spring, about Russia having abandoned her "hereditary policy," and being only intent to proceed in the path of peaceful industry, was all stuff and moonshine. Her epoch for that has not yet come. Certainly her proceedings since the peace have been very inconsistent with any such amiable anticipations. Letting alone her bullying, duplicity, and mischief

making in Europe, just look at this new Persian_difficulty which she has got up for England's special embarrassment. Does any man in his senses believe that Persia would have marched a single week's journey against Herat without the approval of Russia? And why has Russia been for months getting ready the army of 40,000 men now assembled on the Persian frontier, but because she knew that England would be forced into war by the aggression of Persia, and that she had resolved beforehand to take part against us? Russia could not attack us in Europe without risking a renewal of the alliance against her; but in the East she could give full effect to her hatred of England. No European State cares a fig for what happens to us there; and Russia knew she could attack us in that quarter without risk to herself, and supported by the vassal forces of the Court of Teheran. Moreover, it was a good way of finding work for us at a distance, and so weakening us for any future combat in Europe. That is the simple explanation of the war into which the Indian Government has been forced with Persia. The wires of the automaton Court of Teheran are worked from St. Petersburg. Russia is at the bottom of the whole imbroglio, and, if she choose, can at once put an end to it. Even a French journal, the Pays, which is by no means prejudiced in favour of our country, confesses that such is the case. "It must not be dissimulated," says that journal, "that the solution depends above all on the Cabinet of St. Petersburg. Persia, in taking possession of the town of Herat, has certainly failed in all her engagements with England, and she cannot re-establish those relations without abandoning her conquest. This policy depends entirely on the advice that the Shah may receive from Russia; and it is consequently to the emperor Alexander that we must look for the immediate cessation of complications, the extent of which cannot now be defined." That is the truth.

Throughout this article we have

rather set forth general views than sought to advocate any particular acts of policy. What we particularly desire is, to set the country a-thinking on these weighty problems in foreign politics, confident that if the public attention be but timeously secured to these subjects, our end will be fully attained. We have great confidence in the practical sense of the national mind, and are more anxious at present to place suggestions before it than to enter upon questions of detail. This much, however, we may venture to say, as the opinion of every unprejudiced observer of foreign affairs, that the present is no time for indulging dreams of false security, or trusting for national safety to alliances which may fail us in the hour of need. We mistrust the aspect of the times. The gold mines have given a great stimulus to manufactures in many quarters, but inquire into the kind of raw material for which at present there is most competition, and what is the answer? An ominous onesaltpetre! A decided rise has taken place in the price of this article; and among the causes assigned for this rise, we find it stated in a commercial journal, that "Russia has entered into large contracts for a supply of this commodity, and Austria has engaged the whole produce of Egyptabout 1000 tons annually-for the next five years!" We need not tell our readers what species of manufacture it is that demands saltpetre as its principal and most valuable ingredient. In conclusion, we think there has seldom been a time more suggestive of the old maxim of Roman policy, "Si vis pacem, prepara bellum." If England would be let alone in the unquiet future that seems approaching, she must show herself, or rather be strong. And now that we are face to face with another year, about the issue of which it is most reasonable to have misgivings, we would beg to tender alike to rulers and nation the advice which old Noll in critical times used to give to his Ironsidesnamely, to "trust in God, and keep our powder dry."