The stately dame of Dynevor awhile in silence stood, Till at length a glance of wonder she dared to throw at him, Right joyous is the bridegroom as the guests with merry voice, And the silken path before her with flowers is sprinkled gay. F. R. MACDOnald. EUROPEAN POLITICS. SINCE we last wrote, the horizon of foreign politics has only grown darker. Persia, backed by Russia, has attacked Affghanistan and captured Herat, the outer gate of India; and our Indian Government, after declaring war against the Russianised court of Teheran, has despatched an expedition to secure a point d'appui for future operations in the Persian Gulf. Meanwhile a Russian army of 40,000 men, which has been slowly concentrating in that quarter since the war closed in Europe, is cantoned on the shores of the Caspian, ready to advance to the support of the Persians; and at the same time a determined effort is being made by another Russian corps to conquer the Circassians, break down the barrier of the Caucasus, and open a broad path for Muscovite aggression into the region of Anatolia. Nearer home, the Neufchatel question has assumed a grave aspect; and Sicily has given one of those premonitory throes which so frequently prelude more serious commotions. And as to the relations between the great European Powers, what do we find but a rivalry and hostility less disguised than before? The Peace settled nothing. It simply gave Russia the means of getting rid of the Allied armies, and of thereafter acting as fraudulently and defiantly as before. Russia has good reason to believe that the Grand Alliance will not again coalesce to oppose her. France, that fought so gallantly by our side while the war lasted, now anxiously propitiates Russia, and, though refusing to abandon the English alliance, acts rather as a drag than as an auxiliary. The proceedings preliminary to the new Congress expected at Paris, sufficiently indicate the change that has taken place in our relation with the Continental Powers, since the Peace virtually broke up the anti-Russian alliance. When Russia, in August, first proposed to refer the Boundary questions to a new congress, so far from standing alone, it appeared that she had won a clear majority of the Powers to her side! Prussia, who was her covert helper during the war, and her humble slave at the first Congress, was resolute to vote with Russia again. France was quite willing to take the same course; and her ambassador at Constantinople has acted in concert with the Russian embassy in a vain but violent effort to overthrow Lord de Redcliffe and British influence at the Porte. Sardinia, duped by lying promises of Russian aid against Austria, and duly informed of the course which France meant to take, likewise agreed to favour Russia's non-fulfilment of the treaty. And so the Czar, elated, might have exclaimed in his palace at St. Petersburg, like Soult at the battle of Orthes, "At last I have them, those English!" But in both cases the rejoicing was premature. Nowhere does British pluck shine out more strongly than in fighting a lost battle. Russia was triumphant-the battle was lost; but as Hardinge thought at Albuera, there was time to win another. And the British Government, rapidly taking up a strong position, exerted so firm a pressure upon her recalcitrant allies, that the latter thought it better to resume their old position by her side. Whether the renewed allegiance of France and Sardinia to the British side of the question be genuine or feigned, remains to be seen. After what has happened, we cannot believe it hearty; and we wish we felt assured that the British party in the new Congress will prove sufficiently powerful to foil the onset of Muscovite diplomacy. There are some who fancy that the present difficulties of our national position are merely factitious. With eyes blind to the deeper springs and grander movements of European politics, they profess to regard the gathering troubles abroad as not the product of natural causes, but as all the work of individual conjuring. They fancy that a soothing breath, a soft word from Downing Street, would blow them all away! Alas, they know not the helplessness of the individual when brought face to face with the movements of a continent. The mistake is a serious one; for it seeks to put the country on a wrong track, and to lull it into a most baseless dream of security. It bids us regard the overcasting of the political horizon as a matter of no moment, as a danger against which we need make no preparation, seeing that a puff of diplomatic courtesy, a softworded protocol, is capable of turning the gathering storm to sunshine. The idea is absurd, superbly conceited, eminently dangerous. It may be very popular in the salons of the Tuileries, but it will find little acceptance in this country. The French Emperor, surrounded with embarrassments, and bent on peace at any price in order to avoid them, may foster in others views which his own penetration knows to be false, and by professing universal friendship, seek to postpone the evil day. And he does right-for he thereby attends to his own interests. But the very eagerness with which he acts as a balance, leaning now to one side, now to another-now supporting Russia, now acting as a friendly drag on England-shows his sense of the critical nature of the "situation." He knows the danger, and doubtless is preparing for it as well as he can, but he wrestles against its coming. He has shown himself ready to abandon the terms of the treaty rather than risk a new struggle with Russia. France has assumed, since the Peace, the position which Austria held during the war. It becomes this country to consider these things. Already, since the Peace, there has been a wavering to and fro among the Governments of the Continent. The balance has begun to incline again to the side of Russia. A popular rising, which may happen any day, would probably range all the Absolutist Courts on her side. In these circumstances, what does it become us to do? Clearly to stand well with the Continental Governments as long as we can-as long as they will let us. But do not let Britain delude herself with the belief that she can rely upon any of them for aid, or that meekness on our part will suffice to disarm hostility. Our only security for the future lies in our own strength; and it would be only madness to surrender any outwork or post of van tage in the expectation of the weakened citadel being left in security. Very few persons indeed, in January last, would have anticipated the change that a twelvemonth has wrought on the political aspect of Europe. A man would have found only incredulous hearers had he then ventured to predict that ere January 1857 Russia, despite her defeats, would have emerged so little damaged from the struggle, her soil freed from the 200,000 soldiers that then encamped around the ruins of Sebastopol, or garrisoned the captured strong points of her Black Sea coasts, and herself, backed by some of her old foes, stronger than ever in the councils of Europe, and ready to re-enter the lists with us in Asia. How this has come about we have explained in former articles: we simply note the circumstance in order that the country may not be unprepared if changes as great or greater take place before the present year reach its close. England is prone to peace. The trade-spirit is eminently pacific; it is slow to take offence, and never allows pride to interfere with gain. Commerce is an international communion of self-interest, and therefore the most potent antagonist of all wars. England is the workshop and commercial centre of the world. Hence her sympathies are all in favour of a reign of peace, without which her world-wide trade of buying and selling is cramped and rendered less profitable. Therefore it is that, alone of all the countries in the world, England exhibits a Peace Party-a class of politicians whose supreme and distinctive business it is to oppose all war, and advocate peace "at any price." The error of these men consists in believing that all nations are as far advanced in, and as peculiarly devoted to trade and commerce as ourselves; whereas the refusal of other nations to adopt our principles of Free Trade, and the fact that no other country has a Peace Party but our own, ought to apprise them of the peculiarity of our position. Moreover, they are so ignorant of human nature that they pay no regard to moral differences. Commerce trades as freely oppressors as oppressed,it with makes no difference between slave munication-ever tends to throw and free and the Peace Party down local barriers, to draw the nacannot understand why slave and tions into friendlier bonds, and enfree should not be equally friendly gage all in a communion of selfwith one another. Hence they shut interest. Acting first upon indivitheir eyes to the fact that between duals and single communities, its Great Britain and many of the Con- tendency is ever to widen its sphere tinental States there is a great gulf of influence, and ultimately emfixed. They hold it to be our duty to brace all States belonging to the allow the despotic courts to extin- same platform of national existence. guish, if they can, every spark of Look at the transition from England liberty on the Continent; and believe under the Heptarchy to the United that though the regime of absolutism Kingdom of the present day. Gradureigned supreme up to the shores of ally local prejudice and antagonism the Channel, free Britain would be have disappeared or become sublet alone. As if when two opposites ordinated to higher influences: the come together the greater will not Heptarchy has merged into a united seek to destroy the less! As if England—Scotland and England have. England, which the late Czar called coalesced into Great Britain—and Ire"a foyer of revolutions," can ever be land, at first welded in by force of arms, other than a thorn in the side of has at length voluntarily associated Continental absolutism, a sympathiser herself with the sister states, forming with the oppressed, a living example the United Kingdom. Other counof freedom whose very existence is a tries have experienced similar changes constant incentive for other nations from a similar cause. Burgundy, to throw off the yoke. Holding their Normandy, Provence, once separated peculiar opinions indeed the Peace states, have become merged in a party are consistent enough when united France; the crowns of Casthey clamour for disbandment of tile, Arragon, and Navarre, are now fleet and army, and urge England to united on one head in Spain; the go to sleep unarmed in presence of Germanic Confederacy and commerher foes; but their principles, we cial bounds of the Zollverein are the trust, are alike too sordid and too commencement of a corresponding Utopian, too utterly inconsistent with aggregation among the still unconthe great facts that surround us, to solidated Teutonic States. As this find acceptance with the practical work of internal consolidation and good sense of the community at large. national development goes on, the The end of civilisation is Peace. civilized energies of the people project The goal of civilised progress is themselves beyond the seas of their peace among the nations, even own frontier, and seek to form compeace among individuals is its begin- mercial union, founded on self-intening. What history shows us accom- rest, with other countries. For long, plished in single communities, will English capital has sought and found ultimately, we trust, be established investment in every country of Euamong the States of Europe. Slowly rope, thereby increasing our interest but steadily the work of national in the preservation of tranquillity; development is going on, elevating and other countries have of late bethe units of the masses from the gun to follow in our steps. France, automatic condition of early society within the last few years, has made into thinking and self-acting beings; an extraordinary start in this direcso that nations are becoming more tion. Her gigantic Credit Mobilier and more conscious of their true Company has undertaken to make wants and interests, and more and railways for the whole Continent; and more powerful to enforce and secure the dread of interrupting and ruining them. Civilisation, that short phrase the over-venturous speculations of for many ideas-for increase of po- this enormous financial project, is pulation, improvement of agriculture, one of the most potent influences growth of commerce, rise of wealth, which now bind the French Governdevelopment of law and justice, ment to peace at any price. It is spread of knowledge, and increase of easy to see that as this intercomlocomotion and international com- munion of commerce and speculation as extends, as the surplus capital of each country becomes invested in the others, and as the commercial firms throughout Europe come to depend more on one another, or indeed amalgamate in "European" companies -the various States will approximate to a community of which the members will be as closely related as provinces of the same country were at the beginning of this century. Among states so closely related, international war will gradually die out. That is the tendency,-but the end is afar off; and we must beware the error of acting as if we were at the goal, while we are still upon the journey. The end may be seen afar, like a star guiding us homeward; but they are fools who, the moment they catch sight of that distant star, throw off their harness, as if the troubles of the night and the dangers of the way are already over. Such, it appears to us, is the conduct of that section of our politicians who are known by the name of the Peace Party. They do not consider the many obstacles to be overcome, the many shocks to be encountered, ere Europe reach that almost millennial haven of peace. They do not consider the widely diverse circumstances of its component States, that while one end of Europe is rapidly nearing the goal of civilisation, the other has hardly yet started on the journey; and consequently that the pacific tendencies of the western nations, if unguardedly indulged, only place them more at the mercy of the semi-barbarous population of the eastern half of the continent. Russia has not, and will not for generations, have any surplus capital to invest in other countries; moreover, alone of European powers (owing to her vast extent) she has a self-sufficing internal trade, which renders her comparatively independent of foreign markets and therefore it will be long indeed before she fairly enters into the commercial system of Europe, and anything like a commercial equilibrium be established over the Continent. Indeed, the pacific tendencies of commerce will for long tell in favour of Russia, by drawing into her vast fields the surplus capital of other States, and thereby giving them a greater interest in maintaining : peace with her than she has in keeping peace with them. Wars are often nothing but rapids or cataracts in the stream of civilisation, occurring when unyielding matters cross its course, and hastening, not hindering, its progress onward to the goal. Morally considered, the kingdoms of Europe resemble a series of plateaus of different heights, upon which agencies are at work reducing them to a lower level; and convulsions are inevitable as the various States, each for itself, make the transition to a broader and safer basis of power. As the units of the population develop into thinking, self-willed beings, they naturally throw off those fetters and leading-strings which suited them in their state of pupilage, and grow into a self-acting community. The British nation has run through this course not without civil war and political convulsions; but, happily secluded by the sea from foreign intervention, and aided by the practical spirit of compromise natural to the Anglo-Saxon race, they have at length reached the broad level of individual freedom and popular government. The pyramid once poised unstably on its apex, now rests on its base. In this respect we stand alone among the nations of Europe; but each and all of these are on the road and will reach the goal in due time, and after their own fashion. Even Russia, where the masses are still serfs and automatons, has exhibited an evanescent thrill and convulsion from the popular passion (prematurely caught by contagion from western Europe in 1815-18), and not all the power of the Czars will suffice in the future to stop its onward progress, leavening and descending deeper into the masses of Russian society. Next to Great Britain, if we omit the small states of Switzerland and Belgium, we unhesitatingly place our northern kindred, the Scandinavian powers, as possessing popular rights fully acknowledged, and a political constitution which works without convulsions. France comes next: there the national will is supreme after a fashion, but as yet it has only learned to make itself felt imperfectly or by revolutions. Spain has virtually no voice |