2

into prison. He was released through the powerful influence of the Abbess Ebba,1 but on condition that he would never again enter the dominions of Egfrid. It was during this cxile (A. D. 681–686) that he evangelized the South Saxons. Toward the close of his life, Theodore (†A. D. 690), conscious. that he had seriously wronged Wilfrid, sent for him, became reconciled with him, and offered to appoint him his successor in the see of Canterbury, because of his great knowledge and acquaintance with the practices of Rome. Egfrid having died in the meantime, Theodore wrote to Aldfrid, his successor, and persuaded him to reinstate Wilfrid in the see of York, and to restore to him all the rights and prerogatives that had formerly belonged to that bishopric. But though fully reinstated in his diocese, Wilfrid was not free from the persecutions of his enemies. The deposed bishops took every occasion to annoy and harass him; and the king, who was offended by his austere severity, began to entertain a dislike of him, which was assiduously encouraged by his many eneinies. After five years of ceaseless conflict, he was required by royal order to surrender the magnificent monastery of Ripon, which he had been at great pains to beautify and adorn, for the residence of a new bishop, to be appointed by the king. This he peremptorily refused to do, and, again fleeing from his diocese, sought refuge with Ethelred, king of Mercia, by whom he was appointed to the vacant see of Litchfield3 (A. D. 692). Here he resided eleven years (A. D. 692– 703), during which he appears to have lived a quiet and retired life, waiting for the coming of better days. In the year 692, Brithwald, an Anglo-Saxon, who was chosen to succeed Archbishop Theodore in the metropolitan see of Canterbury, also took sides against Wilfrid. He called an assembly of bishops and abbots at Nesterfeld (A. D. 703), in Northumbria, near the monastery of Ripon, in which Wilfrid consented to take part, on condition that justice should be

1

3

4

1 Eddius, c. 37.

2 Eddius, c. 41.

3 Eddius, c. 43.

• Loc. cit.

5 Eddius, c. 43. (Tr.)

done him. But this promise was far from being kept; on the contrary, an attempt was made to obtain his signature to a fraudulent document, by which he was made to resign all claims to the government of any bishopric or monastery whatever. Fortunately he received friendly warning of this design, and indignantly refused to comply with the wishes of his enemies. This having failed, he was offered the monastery of Ripon, on condition that he should not leave it without the royal permission or exercise any episcopal functions. Wilfrid still more indignantly repelled this attempt "to violate the sacred character with which he was invested;" and added: "I appeal boldly to the Holy See. I invite any of you who desire my deposition to go there with me and receive decision.” 2 He at once set out for Rome.

The papal throne was at this time occupied by John VI., who summoned a council of the Roman bishops and clergy to inquire into the controversy. Archbishop Brithwald also sent envoys to Rome in the name of the assembly of Nesterfeld,3 and in this way a fair hearing was given to both parties. Wilfrid read a paper before the council, in which he begged the Pope to enforce the decisions of his predecessors, Agatho, Benedict, and Sergius. Fearful, however, that the king of Northumbria might oppose the full execution of these, and conscious of the necessity of being moderate in his demands, Wilfrid consented to resign the see of York, with all its dependent monasteries, to be disposed of according to the Pope's pleasure, but expressed a desire to retain the monasteries of Ripon and Hexham, with all their possessions. A hearing was next given to the envoys who accused Wilfrid of having treated the assembly of Nesterfeld with contempt. The council, after it had sat for four months and held seventy sessions, declared Wilfrid innocent, and granted his request.

Wilfrid returned to England in the year 705, and had an interview at London with Archbishop Brithwald, who prom

1 Eddius, c. 44. (TR.)

2 Eddius, loc. cit. (TR.) Eddius, c. 47. (TR.)

ised to submit to the papal decision, and to recall the decrees of Nesterfeld.1

Aldfrid, king of Northumbria, at first refused to recognize the judgment of the Holy See; but, falling ill shortly after, he came to a better mind, and said, on his death-bed: "I command my successor, whoever he may be, in the name of the Lord, and for the repose of my soul and his own, to make peace with Wilfrid." The abbess Elfleda, sister of the king, but more distinguished for her exalted virtues than for her noble birth, was a witness of the king's words, and at an assembly called shortly after at Nid, by Archbishop Brithwald, testified that it was her brother's last will that the bishops, abbots, and lords assembled should do justice to Wilfrid and render obedience to Rome. The monasteries of Hexham and Ripon were thus given to the holy bishop, and a general reconciliation between him and his enemies took place.3

This great bishop and apostolic missionary died at Oundle, a monastic foundation near Northampton, which he himself had dedicated to St. Andrew the Apostle, on the twenty-third day of June, A. D. 709, at the age of seventy-six, after having been bishop forty-four years.

Notwithstanding these drawbacks and difficulties, it is nevertheless true that the mission of Archbishop Theodore and Abbot Hadrian had a great influence in giving organization, unity, stability, and efficiency to the Church in England. They were learned and energetic; equally skilled in theological and secular science, and labored strenuously to diffuse a knowledge of both among the Anglo-Saxon Christians. Theodore had brought a copy of Homer with him from Rome, and passed some of his leisure moments in the perusal of that great classic. Schools were established, in which, besides the theological branches, Greek, Latin, mathematics, and astronomy were taught. So proficient did the Anglo-Saxons become in these departments of secular knowl

- Eddus, c. 54. (TR.)

2 Eddius, c. 56. (Tr.)

The Anglia Sacra of Henry Wharton, in which much historical matter has been carefully and diligently collected, is of great importance on this subject. London, 1791, 2 vols. folio.

edge, that they were shortly able to compute the Pascal cycle, wrote Latin verses with correctness, ease, and grace, and spoke both Latin and Greek as readily as their mothertongue.1 Music and chant, which up to this time had been confined to the monasteries of Canterbury and York, now became common all over England.2

A reconciliation was also effected between the ancient Britons of Wales and the Anglo-Saxon converts; and, in consequence of the spread of Christianity throughout England by the labors of Roman, Irish, Frankish, and Anglo-Saxon missionaries, the old British Church coalesced with those of Irish and Roman origin. But notwithstanding this friendly intercourse between the two Churches, there existed among the Britons certain practices at variance with those of Rome, which they tenaciously clung to, and which for a time they struggled strenuously to maintain. The principal of these were-1. The ancient British rite of administering the sacrament of Baptism; 2. The computation of the festival of Easter according to the Jewish cycle; and 3. The form of ecclesiastical tonsure. In the administration of baptism, the ancient Britons were accustomed to omit the anointing of the head. But this point was not regarded by the British Church of as great importance as the difference between the two rules of celebrating the Pascal festival, and was no serious hindrance to an accommodation. The real difficulty lay in the Easter computation.

3

It may be well to remark, that, from the very earliest ages, the question regarding the exact time of celebrating Easter had given rise to many difficulties. It came up at the Council of Nice, and the Fathers passed a decree, enacting that the

1Cf. Freiburg Eccl. Cyclop. art. Wilfrid. Bede, IV. 2.

2 Bede, loc. cit. (TR.)

3 There were at this time three different forms of tonsure: 1. That of St. Peter, or the Roman, which consisted in cleanly shaving the top of the head, and leaving a crown of hair at the base, symbolical of the Crown of Thorns. 2. That of St. Paul, in which the whole head was shaved. 3. That of the Apostle St. John, called by its adversaries that of Simon Magus, and in use among the Irish and Britons, in which the front of the head was shaved so as to resemble a crescent, or semi-circle, and the hair allowed to fall down upon the back.

celebration of the Easter festival should take place on the first Sunday after the full moon of the vernal equinox. This rule, followed by the Roman Church, was introduced into ancient Britain by the early missionaries, and into Ireland and Caledonia respectively by St. Patrick and St. Columba.

In this computation, the Jewish cycle of eighty-four years. which contained an astronomical error, had been followed: and the Alexandrians, having detected the error, introduced a more exact calculation, which was adopted by all the Eastern Churches. In the year 444, a difference of nearly a month intervened between the days on which Easter was celebrated at Rome and at Alexandria, and Pope Leo the Great ordered that the festival should be observed on the 23d of April, the day on which it fell according to the Alexandrian computation. Toward the middle of the sixth century, the cycle of Denys the Little, which exactly corresponded with that of Alexandria, was adopted at Rome, and hence, from this time forward, a complete uniformity existed in the two Churches regarding the celebration of Easter.

The Britons having been cut off from intercourse with Rome by the Saxon invasion, retained their ancient rule, and it is precisely their fidelity to this rule which proves their fidelity to Rome. When they again came in contact with the Anglo-Saxons after the latter had become Christians, or at least some of them, they found the Roman rule prevailing regarding the celebration of Easter. St. Augustine had introduced it into England, and as he had received from Pope Gregory authority over the British bishops, he made every effort to bring them in accord with the Church of Rome. "As to the British bishops," said the Pope, "we commit them entirely to your care, that you may instruct the ignorant, strengthen the feeble, and correct the evil."1 Augustine accordingly set to work to carry out the instructions of the Pope. IIe obtained the favor of a conference with the principal bishops and doctors of Wales on the banks of Severn, which separated the Saxons from the Britons (A. D. 599 or 603). Though he performed a miracle in proof of the divine sanction