Obrazy na stronie
PDF
ePub

Inchiquin closes this letter with the following admirable picture of the mental requisites of an orator-a picture which for beauty, force, and correctness, has seldom been equalled, perhaps never surpassed.

A fertile and solid memory; not that which retains words, but in which ideas are classed, as it were, in a great repository, waiting the orders of the judgment; a rapid conception, which unites, while it conceives ideas; an intrepid and hardy logic, which seizes analogies, without the process of comparison or deduction; a courage irritated rather than abated by interruptions and difficulties; a happy facility to feel, and yet to restrain the feelings, for passion, which sometimes obscures the intelligence, always fertilizes, when it does not disorder; and a mind enlarged by study, fortified by meditation, habituated by writing to the concentration of thought, and rectitude of expres

sion."

Though we readily admit, that, even in the United States, where the spirit of party is more obdurate and unrelentingmore leaden-eared and flinty-hearted than it is or ever was in any other nation, all these qualities centered in an individual would be able to do much, yet we can by no means agree with our author, that they alone would be sufficient to place the "destinies of the country at his disposal."

Considered in its kind, Inchiquin's sixth letter is a production of uncommon merit. Apart from its object, which is not quite so important, (though far from being unimportant even in a national point of view) it is the most interesting paper of the whole collection. It relates exclusively to the chief magistracy of the union-we should rather say to the personages who have held it, with a few collateral circumstances closely connected with that august station. It exhibits sketches of the characters and administrations (more particularly the former) of the three first presidents, Washington, Adams and Jefferson. Its manner is spirited, and its style throughout graphic and sententious, pure and classical. For nervous, correct and clear delineation of character, it might vie with the style of Sallust himself. The figures and features it represents are in general peculiarly distinct, and the relief bold and striking to the eye. In relation to the character it gives of Mr. Jefferson, we are conscious that a

[blocks in formation]

diversity of opinion will prevail. And this diversity will correspond to the diversity of political sentiment in our country. Federalists will contend that the character is too favourable-that our author has thrown into it too many lights and too few shades; that he has made the former too brilliant, and the latter too feeble. They will say and have said that he must be a democrat, and that his pen is made the minister of his political principles. But the democrats, with a positiveness equally inflexible, and a zeal even more impassioned, will promptly espouse the other side of the question. They will declare that all the shades thrown into Mr. Jefferson's character, are unmerited-that they should be entirely erased, and the picture appear like the original, spotless in virtue and patriotism, consummate in sagacity and wisdom. As is very generally the case, under such circumstances, Ibis tutissimus medio, might perhaps be applied to the present controversy for truth may lie midway between the two extremes. In forming a decision, however, on a point so delicate, a point, in the discussion of which Reason is so apt to be shaken from her seat by feeling or passion, it becomes us to recollect, that Inchiquin does not come forth clothed in the habiliments of party, professedly to defend the tenets, or fight the battles of either sect into which our country is politically divided. If not himself an American,* he is at least a generous champion of America as a nation, in opposition to foreign prejudices and aspersions. His object is to defend the new world against the licentious calumnies of the old, not to engage in a party conflict-not to avenge himself on an adversary he hates. He speaks, therefore, of Mr. Jefferson's character, as an enlightened American, free from all political bias, might be supposed to do, when defending his country and countrymen against gross and unmerited defamation and obloquy. He speaks as such a character would be likely to do in a foreign country, on hearing Mr. Jefferson underrated and defamed, for no other reason but because he first drew breath west of the Atlantic. And considering the

* This critique was written before Mr. Ingersoll had avowed himself the author of Inchiquin's Letters, and has not since been revised or altered.

1

subject in this point of view, we are by no means convinced that he has exceeded the bounds of justice and truth. Though conscientiously attached to federal principles, and irreconcilably opposed to the measures of the late and present administrations, we would, notwithstanding, feel ourselves justified in accompanying Inchiquin perhaps to the full extent of his encomiums, were we defending Mr. Jefferson's talents and character as an American. We believe, and always have believed the character of that distinguished personage, to consist of a strange antithetical compound of militant ingredients. Some good and some badsome exalted and some groveling-some beautiful and some deformed-some on a scale unusually expanded, and others contracted to Lilliputian dimensions. We believe he possesses great virtues blended with not a few faults-perhaps we might call them vices-wisdom and firmness, with weakness and indiscretion-great apparent candour dashed with real insincerity; lofty talents with cunning and intrigue-towering ambition with undignified desires-patrician pride with plebeian lowliness-benevolence of heart with vindictiveness of temper-imposing munificence with unbecoming meanness-wildness of theory with steadiness of practice system with irregularity—eccentricity with perseverance-suppleness with inflexibility-some elegance mingled with a studied plainness of manners, and principles of sound patriotism entwined with inordinate foreign partialities. His knowledge of books is surpassed only by his knowledge of men. With much affected simplicity of character, he is an adept in the science of the human heart. Though attached in appearance to a free commutation of thought, he is notwithstanding worthy of the first honours in the art of concealing his own sentiments, while he skilfully draws forth the sentiments of others. In consequence of the combined influence of these and other qualities, we regard Mr. Jefferson as a great and truly original character-as a perfect paragon and master-piece in his kind, calculated to move in an elevated sphere, and to sustain a distinguished part in the transaction of human affairs. We believe with Inchiquin that he is one of the most consummate political leaders that ancient or modern times have produced. As

[ocr errors]

an evidence of the truth of this, he acquired and maintained, (perhaps still maintains) by mere address and management, that despotic ascendancy over his followers for which others have been indebted exclusively to the terrors of the sword. Even Washington himself, with all his transcendent weight of character, could never, had he attempted it, have become such an absolute dictator in politics as Mr. Jefferson.

On the subject of Inchiquin's eulogy on Washington, we shall say but little. Yet we delight to dwell on and repeat that father of his country's name. It is without affectation we declare, that to us there is something in the sound beyond the fascination of music itself. The character of that wonderful man, equally above the reach of detraction and praise, is literally novum monumentum in terris, a new and unheard of monument on earth. With the beams of glory playing around it, its basis is an empire, its top is in the heavens. It throws its effulgence on the remotest nations, and is a beacon-light for the direction of virtuous ambition. In contemplating an object so stupendous and dazzling, Panegyric becomes dumb, Imagination abandons her search after imagery, and Fancy throws aside her colours in despair. The pen and the pencil were formed for common purposes-for the portraying and decoration of common subjects. But the character of Washington passing the widest boundaries of nature, swells to a prodigy and is all but miraculous. With perfect truth is it said of him that "though he relinquished the first place, the first name in America continued, and ever will be Washington." He was in reality one of those "prodigious men, who appear at intervals, with the character of greatness and domination. An unknown, supernatural cause sends them forth, when required, to found, or repair the ruins of empires. In vain do such men keep aloof, or mix with the crowd; the hand of fortune raises them suddenly, and they are borne from obstacle over obstacle, from triumph through triumph, to the summit of authority. Inspiration animates their thoughts; an irresistible movement is given to their enterprises. The multitude looks for them in itself, but finds them not; and lifting up its eyes, they are beheld in a sphere resplendent with light and

glory. No monarch on his throne was ever so great as Washington in his retirement."

We shall dismiss Inchiquin's eulogy on the American patriot, by informing that elegant writer, should these remarks ever fall into his hands, that we have perused with great satisfaction Eloge funébre de Washington, par Fontanes. And we extract from that performance the following eloquent and beautiful passage: "Au milieu de tous les disordres des camps, et de tous les excés inséparables de la guerre civile, l'humanité se refugia sous sa tente, et n'en fut jamais repoussée. Dans les triomphes et dans l'adversité il (Washington) fut toujours tranquille comme la sagesse, et simple comme la virtu." Inchiquin can decypher this extract himself, and will clearly comprehend our meaning in admitting it to a place in our review of his letters-Verbum sapienti.

Though unwilling to mar the beauties of this letter, by too frequently introducing disjointed extracts from it, we cannot withstand the temptation of laying before our readers the following correct, elegant, and well supported contrast between the characters, administrations, and fortunes of presidents Adams and Jefferson, "once political rivals, now political shades."

"Mr. Jefferson's character and administration each present a larger field than those of Mr. Adams. They were more original and better sustained, Mr. Jefferson's nature was enthusiastic, but equable; Mr. Adams's dryer, but subject to gusts of temper. The one was visionary, but never capricious; the other resolute, but unstable. The deportment Mr. Adams affected was difficult and invidious; Mr. Jefferson's familiar and popular. But the former was becoming, though it failed; and the latter too often contemptible, though it succeeded. When the Spanish ambassadors found the Dutch deputies squatting on the ground, eating herrings with their fingers, one of their first impressions must have been disgust at the unseemliness of this republican festival; and the sentiment of every mind favourable to republicanism, at reading the account of this occurrence, which historians have taken care to set forth in all its particulars, must be a sentiment of contempt for so paltry an affectation of republican simplicity.

"Jefferson's life was one continued course of experimental republicanism, conceived and executed on so large a scale, that it must benefit or injure extensively. Whereas Adams did little or no injury to his country, though he

« PoprzedniaDalej »